Wilson, Edward O.;
Consilience: The Unity of Knowledge
Vintage Books, 1999, 408 pages
ISBN 067976867X, 9780679768678
topics: | science | philosophy
Consilience = Literally a jumping together of knowledge by the linking of facts and fact-based theory across disciplines to create a common groundwork for explanation. (page 8) The jumping-together proposed is, broadly, the combining of the humanities and science into a single discipline. Quite controversial, for the subtext is that in the resulting consilience, the methods of science would prevail.
William Whewell: “the evidence in favour of our induction is of a much higher and more forcible character when it enables us to explain and determine [i.e., predict] cases of a kind different from those which were contemplated in the formation of our hypothesis. The instances in which this have occurred, indeed, impress us with a conviction that the truth of our hypothesis is certain” (1858b, pp. 87-8). Whewell called this type of evidence a “jumping together” or “consilience” of inductions. An induction, which results from the colligation of one class of facts, is found also to colligate successfully facts belonging to another class. Whewell's notion of consilience is thus related to his view of natural classes of objects or events. - http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/whewell/ Wilson rails against "professional atomization," (p.42) which works against the unification of knowledge. [e.g. the rigid enforcement of discipline boundaries in Indian academia] "It is therefore not surprising to find physicists who do not know what a gene is, and biologists who guess that string theory has something to do with violins." p.42. Science progresses through a tension between those who wish to create smaller problems (disorder) vs those who wish to unify (order). Examples of consilience that have happened (more debatable as you go down): - evolution explains genetics - chemistry + genetics explains cell behaviour; - physics: unification of EM and gravity; - statistical mechanics - gas behaviour explained in terms of atomic theory - quantum chemistry - prediction of chemical properties from quantum mech - finally, the mind: 'An organism is a machine, and the laws of physics and chemistry ... are enough to do the job, given sufficient time and research funding’ [p.99, ch.5] - consciousness and emotions are brain activity; uncovering these requires unifying streams in biology, psychology and philosophy - aesthetics may also be explained in terms of neurochemistry - cultural units (memes) control interaction between genes and culture. - ethics (moral values) are related to genetics And now we need to unify the humanities. en route to this grand plan we learn a good bit about the genesis of the very idea of an unified theory. The [greek] concept of an intrinsic orderliness... found its apogee in the Age of Enlightenment, then gradually was lost in the increasing fragmentation and specialization of knowledge in the last two centuries. [Chapters 1 and 2]. Then we come to the mind=brain hypothesis, [Ch.5/6] and the gene-culture co-evolution which makes humans "fit" (ch.7/8), and how this leads to the social siences - sociology, economics, political science (ch.9), and eventually to the arts, and then ethics and religion (ch.10 and 11). Finally, we end with a passionate plea for conservation, from the multiple perspectives of global warming, social strife (Rwanda), and of course, bio-diversity (ch.12), a theme expanded on at depth in the Future of Life(2002). The aim for natural science to "take over" (or conquer) the humanities is naturally resisted by humanitarians, while the response from scientists is less hostile. Indeed, the philosopher John Dupre verges on vituperation in his review (http://www.sciencemag.org/cgi/content/full/280/5368/1395): It is not uncommon for distinguished scientists in the twilight of their careers to turn their hand to philosophy. Unfortunately, the failures among such endeavors are generally acknowledged to outnumber the successes, and Wilson's contribution to the genre must on the whole be consigned to the majority. Wilson's book does not discuss in any serious way the debates about the unity of science that have concerned philosophers of science over the last half-century and more. ... one of the most notorious topics from Sociobiology, currently inspiring a great deal of work, is the idea that differences in magnitude of contribution to the reproductive purpose--eggs are larger than sperm, and females of many species gestate sizable offspring--will lead to the evolutionary selection of sexually differentiated behavioral dispositions. Broadly, the idea is that males will pursue the maximum volume of reproductive output, whereas females will aim to produce a smaller quantity of high quality offspring. This will lead males to seek as many mates as possible, while females can be expected to look carefully for a high quality mate with the resources to spend on her offspring. ... without seeing any need to worry about interactions with culture. ... in fact if development is a matter of interaction between genes and environment, it is not clear that any such predictions follow. The claim that "Rational calculation is based on surges of competing emotions, whose interplay is resolved by an interaction of hereditary and environmental factors" (p. 205) strikes me as the sort of thing that could only seem plausible to someone in the grip of a theory. And the view that "innovation...is a concrete biological process" illustrates a recurrent tendency to confuse a statement of the causal conditions of a process with the analysis of the process itself. The chapter on ethics and religion is even more perplexing than I have so far suggested. Wilson sees ethics as involving a fundamental divide between the transcendentalist (Kant, Moore, and Rawls are some rather heterogeneous representatives) and the empiricist (represented by the eighteenth-century moral sense theorists and Wilson), the former but not the latter holding moral values to be independent of contingent facts about human nature. Imaginary representatives of these extreme positions are used to present their arguments, but what actually emerges is a debate almost entirely concerned with the existence of God. Although Wilson may be right that "the mélanges of moral reasoning employed by modern societies are...a mess" (p. 254), he offers nothing likely to ameliorate this situation. The book concludes with a worthy plea for environmental awareness, but since this has little connection with the earlier themes I will not discuss it. The virulent tone of this review seems to be coming from a difference in fundamental stances. Dupre is probably one who believes in action resulting from free will, and hence the inadequacy of the sociobiological argument.
http://query.nytimes.com/gst/fullpage.html?res=9D0CE3D8143CF935A15757C0A96E958260&sec=&spon=&pagewanted=2 Wilson's case for a universal consilience rests on several interlocking elements. Genes, themselves biochemical in their operations, arrange for the structure and development of the human organism; 3,195 of them are known to be involved in the development of the brain, 50 percent more than in any other part of the body. [Quote: The human genome database accumulated in 1995 reveals that the brain's structure is prescribed by at least 3,195 distinct genes, 50% more than any other organ or tissue (the total # of genes in human genome is estimated to be 50K to 100K). p.106, ch.6 Mind] Some number of genes have been selected over the course of human evolution to predispose us to particular social behaviors. These genes have coevolved with our cultural and physical environments, interacting with them through what Wilson calls "epigenetic rules" that are anchored in neural pathways and in regularities in mental development that the genes prescribe. Natural selection has favored the epigenetic rules for behaviors that foster our survival -- for example, investment in children, status striving, the ability to recognize and name colors, signaling with facial expressions, like the smile, and contractual agreement. It has thus created a human nature, the embodiment in all of us of certain norms of behavior or modes of action that are the building blocks of culture. Wilson's sociobiological-cultural claims are, to say the least, controversial among biologists, and one suspects that he overstates the consilience of the natural sciences. It is difficult to see, for example, how particle physics jumps together with organic evolution. Wilson himself concedes that no one knows much about how genes actually control behavior, or how neural networks make for perception and knowledge, or how the complex system of the brain works to create consciousness. He recognizes that culture has tended to change at an enormously faster pace than genes evolve, which suggests that culture has an independent dynamic of its own. He acknowledges that much of his program is speculative; he several times avows disarmingly that he could be wrong, even praising post-modernists for reminding scientists like him of that possibility. Yet he is confident enough of his views to insist that the social sciences and the humanities could well benefit from what genetics, sociobiology and neurobiology have already begun to reveal about human attitudes and actions. He holds, for example, that sociobiologically generated norms must figure in the establishment of ethics, that explorations of brain function might assist in understanding creativity and interpreting its products. Wilson aims most of his animadversions against the social sciences, charging that parts of them suffer from "ideological commitments," tribal devotion to past masters, reliance on folk psychology -- indicting them for being "only slightly advanced over ideas employed by the Greek philosophers." He expresses grudging admiration for economics, the most mathematical of the social sciences, saying that it's headed in the right direction. But he judges that while it has scored some successes, "it is mostly still irrelevant" because with some exceptions it ignores serious psychology and biology in analyzing how people behave. Although Wilson's reach too often exceeds his grasp, he is not entirely off the mark about the social sciences and the humanities. Some psychologists and philosophers are seeking ways to incorporate the neural sciences in their analyses, and some economists are acting to deal with the weaknesses in their discipline on the biopsychological and environmental fronts. However, even Wilson's sympathizers might suggest that, given his root social and environmental concerns, most of his censures are misplaced. What prevents us from coming to grips with environmental decay or the rest of our social bedevilments has less to do with a lack of consilience in learning than with the interplay of interests and power. Wilson hardly touches on such issues. He writes that "ethics is everything," that what we need is "a powerful conservation ethic" and that by exploring the biomaterial basis of ethics, "we should be able to fashion a wiser and more enduring ethical consensus than has gone before." In the end, "Consilience" is an evangelical book, an arresting exposition of Wilson's religion of science and a kind of sermon -- forceful in delivery if shaky in substance -- intended to assist in the reform of the world.