Sen, Surendra Nath;
Delhi and its monuments [reader: dli.gov.in ]
A. Mukherjee & Company Calcutta, 1954, 42 pages
topics: | india | history | delhi |
This is a "travel book" written by a serious historian. A 1954 tourist guide would have obviously become out-of-date on matters such as entrance times and fees - and even the routes and transport - so it does not bother about such practicalities, except for a short meander in the opening pages about how a visitor could take in almost all of Delhi in a day.
This short, crisp text focuses instead on aspects that will stand the test of time. It presents a detailed history, not overly technical, yet accompanying every statement along with how we come to know about it - the evidence and the uncertainties (historiography). While a few aspects may have changed in subsequent research, the presentation remains surprisingly contemporary since it does not claim to be a final statement, just what is best known at the time.
This rare archival text, along with Sen's other classic, eighteen fifty-seven, surely deserves being edited and re-printed in a modern incarnation!
Delhi claims an antiquity far beyond the ken of history. Popular belief identifies the mound on which Sher Shah built his fort with Indraprastha, where Maya, the Danava architect, is said to have built a splendid palace and court for the Pandava princes of Pandava City (circa 1000 B.C. ?). No relic of the Epic Age has, been so far discovered, but the secrets of [several] sites still await the explorer's spade. The tradition in any case is fairly old, and goes as far back as the days of Qutbuddin Aibak. p.2 [at the Qutub] The masonry work in which the credulous visitor delights to discover the ruins of Draupadi's kitchen is nothing but the remains of a Muslim hamam (bathroom), and the temple associated with Kunti's name is a very modern structure. But the mound itself would be an ideal place for a pre-historic settlement, and similar antiquity has also been claimed for the present sites of Nigambodh Ghat and the near-by temple known as Nili Chhatri. But the mound itself would be an ideal place for a pre-historic settlement, and similar antiquity has also been claimed for the present sites of Nigambodh Ghat and the near-by temple known as Nili Chhatri. p.2 The only surviving son of Dhritarashtra, was probably installed at Indraprastha (or Indarpat) as a deputy, and it is interesting to note that Buddhist traditions of the first and second century A.D. refer to a line of Kuru princes reigning at the old city. Protected by the ridge and the river, situated on the main trade route between two important river systems it was marked for the commercial and political pre-eminence which it early attained.
[The city of Indraprastha, if it was indeed here, appears to have been ignored during the Maurya empire.] in Asoka's time the main route of traffic was diverted north... the emperor was anxious that his edicts should be widely read. He selected holy places of pilgrimage like Girnar, Rupnath and Rumindei, emporiums of trade like Sopara, roadside rocks likely to attract the notice of numerous wayfarers such as Mansera and Shabazgarhi, and places of provincial importance like Jaugada and Maski as suitable sites for his religious inscriptions, and obviously the old prehistoric mound no longer satisfied any of these prerequisites. [since I hadn't heard of ANY of the places listed, I made some notes:] Girnar : n junagadh - old temples / pilgrimage site Rupnath : famous pilgrimage spot Katni, MP. Temple of Rupnatheshvar (Shiva). Local traditions also connect it with Ramayana - Rama Lakshmana and Sita are supposed to have stayed here during Rama's exile. Three kunds (tanks) located here are named after these three. http://puratattva.in/2011/08/08/rupnath-an-ashokan-minor-rock-edict-863.html Rumindei : Lumbini - Temple of the Nativity of Buddha Sopara : present day town of nalla sopara (Thane dt, near mumbai) - ancient port 3d c BC. Sanskrit name shUrparaka - excavations revealed a budhist stupa, possibly 8th c. BC Mansera : mansehra - Pakistan near Abbottabad (Khyber-Pakhtunwa) on Karakoram highway. on route from taxila to kashmir to xinjiang, over the khunjerab pass Shabazgarhi Shabaz Garhi : on Indus, junction of roads to Kabul and Taxila Jaugada : Orissa, 160km SW of Bhubaneshwar - fort - ancient Samapa Maski : Karnataka, on the Tungabhadra Maski
In 1966, during constructions for the residential houses in Kailash Hills/ Srinivaspuri, a contractor Jang Bahadur Singh, noticed some inscriptions written on a rock which was about to be blasted away. Archaeologists M.C. Joshi and B.M. Pande visited the site and identified it as an ashokan edict. It can be found today in a cement enclosure in the park right next to C-Block market, East of Kailash / Kailash Hills. From the ISKCON temple, you go east for about 300m to reach this park. The inscription is a shortened version of a "minor" edict found on many rocks: It is two and half years since I became a Buddhist layman. At first no great exertion was made by me but in the last year I have drawn closer to the Buddhist order and exerted myself zealously and drawn in others to mingle with the gods. This goal is not one restricted only to let the people great to exert themselves and to the great but even a humble man who exerts himself can reach heaven. This proclamation is made for the following purpose: to encourage the humble and the great to exert themselves and to let the people who live beyond the borders of the kingdom know about it. Exertion in the cause must endure forever and it will spread further among the people so that it increases one-and-half fold. [end postscript]
[During the Guptas, the old mound may have remained in obscurity but the neighbourhood must have] gained in importance, for on the Iron Pillar Vishnupad hill, somewhere near the present village of Meherauli, a conquering monarch, now forgotten, had set up an iron pillar to record his valorous deeds. The inscription was first deciphered by Prinsep, but the accuracy of his reading was successfully challenged by another eminent savant - Bhau Daji. Into that learned controversy we need not enter. It is now generally accepted that the inscription is in Gupta script, and should be attributed to the fourth century of the Christian era. The hero is one king Chandra whose identity still remains undetermined, [though it may have been] (Chandragupta. II Vikramaditya of the Gupta Dynasty, c. 380-415 A.D.), who held the major part of northern India in fee during the 4th century A.D. But positive proof is lacking, and the prince of the iron pillar must remain a mystery.
gupta period iron pillar at qutb complex, delhi.
the late Prof. R. Balasubramaniam of IIT Kanpur has argued that high
Phosphorus content in the pillar causes a layer of passive oxide to form on
the surface, that prevents further rust. This
was a deliberate addition, since other contemporary iron items don't have it.
(image from iit kanpur
archives).
The pillar itself is an antiquity of no mean interest. Its total height exceeds twenty-three feet, the lower diameter is sixteen inches, gradually diminishing to about twelve near the capital which once bore the figure of Garuda, the divine man-bird venerated as the vehicle of Vishnu. Some unknown vandals fired matchlocks and cannon at the shaft, probably to test its strength, without causing any damage.
But what excites popular wonder is not its invulnerability but the absence of rust in spite of exposure to sun and rain for nearly fifteen hundred years. There has been much speculation about the component material. Dr Bhau Daji held that the pillar was made not of iron but of a compound of many metals. The great French naturalist, Jacquemont, called it "soft iron". According to Murray Thompson, the shaft is made of "pure malleable iron of 7.66 specific gravity". In more recent times it has formed the subject of an investigation by such a famous metallurgist as Sir Robert Hadfield. King Chandra's monument eloquently testifies to the mechanical skill and scientific achievements of the ancient Hindus. p.3
In the early years of the eleventh century. northern India was visited by a Muslim scholar of exceptional inquisitiveness. Abu Rihan Al-biruni wrote about many notable places and things, but either he had not heard of Delhi or he did not find anything worth tecording about it. In any case the place was not wealthy enough to excite the cupidity of Mahmud of Ghazni, and Utbi, his court historian, had nothing to say of that city.
But despite the silence of the early Muslim chroniclers the place may have attracted the notice of the Tomar Ra]puts within two decades of Mahmud's death. According to a Hindi inscription on the iron pillar, which may or may not be genuine, Delhi was peopled by the Tomar prince Anangapal in 1052 A.D. Possibly there was an earlier Tomar settlement around the present ruins of Surajkund which old traditions associate with Surajpal, a son of Anangapal I, and it is not unlikely that the nearby village of Anekapur was really named after the father (Anangapur).
Delhi passed under the Chauhan ruler of Ajmer, Vigraharaj IV, between 1151 and 1163 A.D. and the Chauhan chief boasts of his conquests and victories in an epigraph of 1163 inscribed on Asoka's Topra pillar. It was from his great-grand-nephew, Prithviraj III, Rai Pithora of Muslim historians, that Delhi was conquered by Muhammad bin Sam in 1193 A.D. p.4 Two records of 1826 A.D. (of dubious character, we are afraid) suggest that the line of Prithviraj was not extinct till then. It may therefore be safely assumed that Delhi rose to prominence under the Tomar and the Chauhan princes. Probably an earlier Rajput settlement about Surajkund was later abandoned, and in course of time the head-quarters of the reigning family was shifted further north. Since then Delhi has been moving north and east. Only twice was the order reversed, once when the founder of the Tughluq monarchy preferred an isolated rock to the plain below, and again when the British Government decided to build their new city south of Shahjahanabad. Qutub complex - (image: http://indiapicks.com/Heritage/Qutb/Qutb-1.htm)
When they overthrew the Rajputs, the Turks chose for their capital the city of their adversaries. Here lived .and reigned the first nine Muslim sovereigns of Delhi, Qutbuddin, Aram, Iltutmish, Ruknuddin, Raziyya, Muizuddin Bahram, Alauddin Masud, Nasiruddin Mahmud and Ghiyasuddin Balban popularly known as slave kings though all but three of them were born in purple and a slave ceases to be a slave when he wears a crown. [p.5] Qila Rai Pithora was strengthened by its new masters and within its circuit were built the famous white palace of Qutbuddin Aibak (1206-1210), the turquoise palace of Shamsuddin Iltutmish (1211-1236) and the green palace where the god-fearing king Nasiruddin Mahmud Shah (1246-1266) held his court. Delhi was then a busy city humming with trade and throbbing with life. Traders used to come here from far-off cities of Central Asia and soldiers came in hundreds .from all parts of the Muslim world in quest of adventure, fame and fortune.
But the splendid palaces and superb private mansions were far surpassed in grandeur and beauty by the cathedral mosque which the first Muslim Sultan Quwwat-ul-Islam dedicated to the glory of his faith. Quwwat-ul-Islam [mosque] was a living symbol of the might of the new force, which impelled the Turks and the Afghans to carry its banner further east and south; and the piety of successive sultans, added new arches, fresh towers, cloistered courts and domed gateways to the original mosque. Qutbuddin built in a hurry, and twenty-seven Hindu and Jaina temples were pulled down to furnish materials for a prayer-hall worthy of the conquerors. pillars at the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque with pre-islamic carvings image: wikimedia commons The pillars still bear all the traces of their origin and sculptured representations of men and animals, forbidden by the Quran, tell their own story. On some of the pillars are found female figures mounted on lions, on others will be noticed human faces and kirtimukhas. The Muslim overseers who supervised the work of Hindu masons and workmen had no time to efface from the stone slabs the figures of Brahma, Vishnu and Shiva, and some of them still retain sculptured depictions of scenes from Krishna's life. Not all the Hindu gods and Jaina saints were, however, permitted to peer at the praying congregation. Only those near the ceiling, and therefore least conspicuous, were left alone, but every obnoxious figure down below, which might distract their attention or offend their sense of decorum was ruthlessly chiselled off. [p.6]
[The history of the Qutb Minar] is to be found in its inscriptions. According to Sir Syed Ahmed, one inscription runs as follows: "Amir of Amirs, Commander-in- Chief, the Chief in the State, Qutb". Two inscriptions refer to Muhammad bin Sam. Two other epigraphs assert that the building was commenced and completed by Iltutmish's order. Yet other two refer to the repair and restoration of the minar by Firuz Shah bin Rajah and Histor; o.f the Sikandar Shah Lodi (1489-1517). There is reason to believe that the two topmost storeys were entirely rebuilt by the Tughluq ruler, as they differ in style as well as material from the rest of the tower. If General Cunningham's reading of the Nagri inscriptions is accepted, Firuz Shah had employed a Hindu architect in repairing the minar when it was damaged by lightning in 1378 A.D. Firuz Shah had furnished the minar with a cupola which was in existence till 1794. "Smith's folly", a superstructure erected by Maj Robert Smith in 1828. (image: http://pixels-memories.blogspot.in/2012/11/smiths-folly-new-delhi.html [After an earthquake in 1803, Major Robert Smith of the Royal Engineers (of St James Church fame), while executing repairs in 1828, replaced the cupola with a Bengali-style chhatri. (ref: rangandatta] Major Smith built another superstructure which appeared so incongruous that Lord Hardinge ordered its removal in 1848. It is now to be seen in the lawn near the Dak Bungalow. [called Smith's folly].
Was it a tower of victory? Or was it an adjunct of the neighbouring mosque, a ma'zina wherefrom the mu'azzin used to summon the faithful to prayer at specified hours? Probably it served both purposes. A tower built so near the mosque, copiously embellished with Quranic texts, could not but share the sacred character of the neighbouring edifice, but its very height rendered the upper storeys superfluous for the mu'azzin's purpose, though they served very well to illustrate and emphasise the superior might of the power against which Rajput daring and chivalry had proved of no avail.
Who gave this unique tower its name, Qutb the king, or Qutb the saint? If the king's tide finds a place in one of the inscriptions the saint was the preceptor of the Sultan (lltutmish) under whom the minar was completed. In popular estimation probably the saint was a greater personage than the soldier, for he was believed to have been endowed with supernatural power. Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki came from Ush in Central Asia. He was a disciple and the apostolic successor of Sheikh Muinuddin Chisti. The shrine of Qutb Sahib has afforded two of the roi foineants ["do-nothing kings"] of Delhi, Shah Alam II (1759-1806) and Akbar II ( 1806-1837 ), their last resting place. It will probably be safe to infer that the construction of the minar was originally commenced by Qutbuddin whose title is. inscribed on the first storey and completed by Shamsuddin Iltutmish, who does not hesitate to designate himself as Qutbi, a protege or slave of Qutb, and the inscription on the fourth storey very likely refers to a part and not to the whole of the minar. 12 Sultana Raziyya (1236-1240), the only lady who occupied the throne of Delhi, however, found no place either near her father in the Quwwat-ul-Islam compound or in the shrine of Qutb Sahib. An unassuming tomb in an obscure lane near Turkman gate has been identified by Sir Syed Ahmad as. Raziyya's, but on what evidence we do not know According to Minhaj-usSiraj, a reliable historian of her times, Raziyya met with a violent death at Kaithal. 10
Ghiyasuddin Tughluq (1320-1325), though crowned at Siri, did not choose to stay there. He went south in search of a suitable site for his capital. Of the fortress city of Tughluqabad, nothing remains but the bastioned walls and some underground chambers. The lofty gateways and the triple storeyed towers and the remnants of the massive ramparts still look impressive, and the only monument from which some idea of the new architectural style can be fanned is the mausoleum of the sultan built on an island-like mound and connected with the fort by a long causeway. p.13 tomb of ghiyasuddin tughluq (1320-1325), founder of tughlaqabad. (image: http://www.delhifootprints.com/heritage-walks-in-delhi/) Ghiyasuddin's tomb is worthy of a hardy soldier. Extremely severe in outline and sparing in decoration, it forms a remarkable contrast to the profusely ornamented gateway of Alauddin and the tomb of Iltutmish. The sloping walls offer a sense of strength and support to a marble dome massive yet well proportioned. Does the tomb reflect the reaction against the profligacy and pomp of the preceding period? It has at least one indigenous feature, the stone amalaka and the kalasa on the magnificent marble dome are reminiscent of the usual terminals of a Hindu temple. According to the prevailing tradition, Ghiyasuddin shares the tomb with his wife and eccentric son, Muhammad (1325-1351). How far this tradition is true we do not know. Muhammad died in far off Sind, and the army was then in a state of rebellion. It is more likely that a younger son, who shared his father's doom, was also interred with him.
Muhammad transferred his capital to Adilabad, the city of the just, on the hills opposite. The ramparts were of the same style as those of his father's fortress capital, but they enclosed a much smaller area. 14 The pride of the new citadel was Muhammad's palace of a thousand pillars, the second of its name, the first being at Siri as already noted. It was built not of stone but of timber. Ibn Batuta, who had been there, describes it as a spacious hall of a thousand columns of varnished wood that supported a wooden roof beautifully painted. Muhammad's preference for timber is not altogether unintelligible. It was in a wooden pavilion that he had welcomed his victorious father, and his enemies insinuate that by some clever contrivance he caused it to collapse and kill the old man on the spot. But Adilabad was abandoned for old Delhi before long. Siri and the older city. were enclosed within a protecting wall and Muhammad gave the new city Jahanpanah. The high sounding name of Jahanpanah or asylum of the world. The name was not without a significance. The suburbs of old Delhi had long become unsafe. Mewati desperadoes used to rob with impunity girls at the wells and reservoirs, and the chastisement they had suffered at the hands of Ghiyasuddin Balban does not appear to have left a lasting impression. In more recent years, repeated Mughal incursions had rendered the outskirts of the two cities, Siri and Qila Rai Pithora, still more insecure. The enclosing walls provided the people within with that sense of safety and security which had so long been wanting. If the enclosed city was not an asylum for the whole world, it was at least a safe asylum for the citizens of Delhi, new and old. Jahanpanah had thirteen gates one of which "opened towards Hauzi-khas", Alauddin's famous tank. 15
Muhammad's cousin and successor Firuz (1351-1388) was a milder man, but he could not rise above the all too common; temptation of founding a fresh city. Somewhat of an archaeologist, he repaired and restored some of the older monuments of Delhi, but the urgent need of building materials led him to deeds of vandalism, which to his own cost were readily emulated by others. 16 As Hindu and Jaina temples yielded materials for Qutbuddin's mosque, so the ruins of Siri and Jahanpanah were despoiled to find stones and bricks for Firuz Shah's capital. The pack-animals of the local traders were requisitioned for a day, and bricks were brought from the old city to the banks of the river. Firuzabad was a fairly big town and stretched from the river to Alauddin's tank and from the Kushak-i-Shikar on the ridge to the traditional site of the Pandava city. It included a large part of the later town of Shahjahanabad. Within the battlemented enclosure of the fortress Firuz built many palaces and public buildings. Not a trace however remains of his palace of grapes, the palace of the wooden gallery and the palace of the public court which, in all likelihood, corresponded with the hall of public audience of the Mughal days. The ruins of the cathedral mosque that extorted unstinted admiration from Timur can be seen opposite the pyramid that bears the Asokan pillar. Alas, it cannot be described even as a shadow of its departed grandeur. pillar from Topra, at firozshah kotla today. (image: flickr)
Every old castle has its traditional secret passages and Firuz's Kotla is credited with no less than three, wide enough to allow his ladies to ride through in stately palanquins. One led straight to the river, the second connected the palace with the hunting box on the ridge and the third and the longest went towards Qila Rai Pithora. A deep hollow on the ridge is popularly believed to be the exit of the second of these tunnels but its mysteries are yet unsolved. But the real wonder of Firuzabad was a tall monolith column that glittered like burnished gold. The sultan found it at Topra near Ambala while touring in the neighbourhood. Shams-i-Siraj_ Afif says that it had been there since the days of the Pandavas and good historians averred that it was nothing but the walking stick of the "accursed" Bhim. A second pillar of similar design and identical material was found in the neighbourhood of Meerut and Firuz Shah removed both of them to his newly built capital and installed the first on a pyramid near the Jami Masjid and the second on the ridge close to his hunting palace (Kushak-i-Shikar) the ruins of which are still extant. The pillars and the inscriptions they bore occasioned wild speculations, for the pundits consulted by the Sultan had no knowledge of the strange script, nor could they say anything about the language used. The shining surface of the monolith led Tom Coryat to think that it was made of brass and he was not alone in his error. Bishop Heber believed it was a "cast metal column", for little was then known about the bright polish which the Mauryan craftsmen could impart to common sandstone. Edward Terry, Chaplain of Sir Thomas Roe, suggested that the language of the epigraph might be Greek. In those days European travellers were wont to ascribe everything of unusual stature to Alexander and his men. It was only in 1837 that the ingenuity of James Prinsep solved the riddle. He successfully deciphered the inscriptions, and found that they recorded the edicts of a king Piyadasi, beloved of the gods. Piyadasi was later identified with Asoka, the third Maurya emperor of Pataliputra.
The arrival of the pillar was probably a great event for the common people. Shams-i-Siraj Afif, then a boy of twelve, had a vivid recollection of the transport and re-installation of the obelisk. The transport of a monolith 42 feet in height and 27 tons in weight was no easy task: After thinking over the best means of lowering the column, orders were issued commanding the attendance of all the people dwelling in the neighbourhood, within and without the Doab, and all soldiers, both horse and foot. They were ordered to bring all implements and materials suitable for the work. Directions were issued for bringing parcels of the cotton of the sembal (silk cotton tree). Quantities of this silk cotton were placed round the column, and when the earth at its base was removed, it fell gently over on the bed prepared for it. The cotton was then removed by degrees, and after some days the pillar lay safe upon the ground. When the foundations of the pillar were examined, a large square stone was found as a base, which also was taken out. The pillar was then encased from top to bottom in reeds and raw skins, so that no damage might accrue to it. A carriage, with forty-two wheels, was constructed, and ropes were attached to each wheel. Thousands of men hauled at every rope, and after great labour and difficulty the pillar was raised on to the carriage. A strong rope was fastened to each wheel, and 200 men pulled at each of these ropes. By the simultaneous exertions of so many thousand men the carriage was moved, and was brought to the banks of the Jumna. Here the sultan came to meet it. A number of large boats had been collected, some of which could carry 5,000 and 7,000 mans of grain, and the least of them 2,000 mans. The column was very ingeniously transferred to these boats, and was then conducted to Firuzabad, where it was landed and conveyed into the Kushk with infinite labour and skill. [from chronicles of Firuz Shah's reign, by Zia ud-din Barni; quoted in Vincent Smith and many others. (source not provided by Sen)] The golden pillar, as it was. popularly known on account of its colour, still stands where Firuz Shah had placed it but that from Meerut had a different history. It was dislodged by an accident during the reign of Farrukhsiyar and broken into five pieces. In 1838 Hindu Rao made a gift of it to the Asiatic Society of Bengal hut the removal of the heavy fragments were likely to be very expensive and only the inscribed portion was sawn off and sent to Calcutta. In 1866 it was returned to Delhi and the next year all the pieces were joined together and put up on the ridge. There it now remains, it is hoped, never to be disturbed again. 18
The golden pillar has the full complement of Asoka's seven pillar edicts. [very lengthy - see http://www.cs.colostate.edu/~malaiya/ashoka.html]. Inscribed in the 26th year of Asoka's coronation the first four edicts explain how difficult it is to attain happiness in this world, how to practise morality, how to avoid sins and the duties and functions of the lajukas~ the fifth enumerates the animals not to be killed, the sixth records the emperor's anxiety to lead his people to happiness, and the seventh narrates in detail what Asoka did to make men conform to morality. [In 1398, Timur invaded Delhi. In the Tuzuk-i-Timuri, a document of somewhat doubtful authenticity, Timur allegedly rode to India on a mission to rid it of infidels. The document, which was presented to Shah Jehan as a newly discovered autobiography, says: I had put to death hundreds of thousands of infidels and idolaters, I had dyed my proselyting sword with the blood of the enemies of the Faith, and now that I had gained this crowning victory, I felt that I ought not to indulge in ease, but rather to exert myself still further in warring against the infidels of Hindustan. Having made these reflections, on the twenty-second of Rabi’-al-akhir, 800 A.H. (Jan. 1, 1399 A.D.), I again drew my sword to wage a religious war. [He then takes Meerut and Haridwar, and eventually returns to Samarkand.] [According to the Tarikh-i Firuz Shahi [composed shortly after the conquest], Timur was apparently awed by this pillar, describing it as a wonder (´aja’îbān). ] Firuz's minister, the second Khan Jahan was also a great builder. He has three notable mosques to his credit. The Kalan Masjid near Turkman gate, the Khirki Masjid and the Begampuri Mosque illustrate well the architectural style of the later Tughluqs. The sloping pilasters lend the buildings an Egyptian air and the arches are without any keystone. The mausoleum which the minister built for his father (the first Khan Jalian) to the south of Sheikh Nizamuddin Aulia's shrine supplied the model for the Sayyid and Lodi tombs.
From Firuz Kotla we may turn due south to Ghiyaspur where the Dargah of Hazrat Nizamuudin still attracts thousands of devotees every year. He commands the veneration of Hindus and Muslims alike. We have already referred to Qutb and Muinuddin Chisti. Nizamuddin was third in apostolic order from Muinuddin and the second Chisti saint to lend sanctity to a suburb of Delhi. His ancestors belonged to Bokhara in Central Asia, but the family later migrated to Badaun via Lahore. The future saint came as a humble student to Delhi and refused to be tempted by the wealth and honour that the sultanate, then at the height of its power, had to offer. His immediate apostolic predecessor was Shaikh Fariduddin, whose association converted Ajodhan into Pak Patan (town of purity). Fariduddin made Nizamuddin his chief disciple and left to him his cloak, prayer carpet and staff -- the regalia of his holy office and the charter which he had inherited from Qutb Sahib. The saint of Ajodhan wrought many miracles and the admirers of Nizamuddin credited him also with similar power. It was commonly believed that Siri once owed its deliverance from the horrors of Mughal occupation to his prayer. Nizamuddin scrupulously kept away from the court though more than one sultan was anxious to shower upon him those material gifts which lesser men would accept with alacrity. He lived in a hovel the remains of which are still pointed out in the compound of Humayun's tomb, and became the Shaikh of Delhi par-excellence. The shrine contains a cistern, the saint's tomb and the superb mosque, commonly attributed to Khizr Khan, eldest son of Alauddin Khalji. The cistern is ·believed to have been a work of the saint himself and the water is credited with healing properties and efficacy against evil spirits. There is a tradition that the shaikh built a mosque and he was buried in its courtyard. The mosque in question must, therefore, be identified with the Jamaat Khana to the west of the tomb. According to Ferishta, the mosque was built by Khizr Khan, the eldest son of Alauddin Khalji and a disciple of the saint. Sir Syed Ahmad attributes only the central hall to Khizr Khan and the compartments on eitther side to Muhammad bin Tughluq. In 1572-73 A.D. the mosque was repaired by the great emperor, Akbar. Built of red sandstone, the Jamaat Khana is one of the finest mosques of Delhi, and its latticed stone screens and pendentives are beautiful specimens of early Muslim craftsmanship. The tomb, however, is not the work of any single individual or of any particular age. The reverence of successive generations has extended, embellished and renovated the original building. Muhammad Tughluq built a cupola over the grave. His successor, Firuz, claims to have added arches and sandal-wood lattices. In 1562 Faridun Khan rebuilt the tomb, and forty-six years later (1608-9) Farid Murtaza Khan supplied a lovely canopy of mother of pearl and wood. Thus did "two Farids make ready for the Shaikh of Delhi all (that is needed) in this world and the next. One Farid gave him a transitory building, the other (his preceptor, Shaikh Fariduddin) raised him to the position of ever lasting life". In 1652-53 Alamgir II devoutly offered his grateful thanks to the saint in an inscribed tablet for his elevation to the throne, but his reference to "the royal crown of whole world" and "the kingly crown of Hind" is likely to raise a derisive smile to-day. In 1882-83 Khurshid Jah of Hyderabad built a marble balustrade around the grave. In more recent years the Nizam of Hyderabad paid his homage to the Nizam of Delhi, and liberally provided for the restoration of the faded paintings of the dome. 21
Of the distinguished personages who sought their last resting place in this shrine, are Amir Khusru, "the sweet-tongued parrot of Hind", who wrote verses in Hindi, Persian and Arabic; the gentle princess Jahanara, daughter of Emperor Shah Jahan, whose humility would not permit her grave to have any other covering, but a bed of green grass; and Emperor Muhammad Shah (1719-1748), who probably expected to be forgiven for all his lapses in this world through the intercession of the saint in the next. Popular tradition identifies a nameless grave near the poet's tomb with that of Ziyauddin Barni, author of Tarikh-i~Firuz Shahi. Next to Muhammad Shah sleeps Mirza Jahangir, the eldest son of Akbar II, whose restless spirit might have found a better scope in the days of his great namesake. Near the shrine of Nizamuddin stand two mausoleums of a later day. Shamsuddin Muhammad, Akbar's foster father, was done to death by Adham Khan, a spoilt son of another of the emperor's foster parents. Akbar, then in the prime of youth, stunned the murderer with a single blow of his fist and hurled him down a precipice. Adham Khan was interred on the outskirts of Rai Pithora's city and his tomb is still to be seen there. His victim was buried in a pretty tomb specially built for the purpose by his son, Mirza Aziz Kukaltash, who himself sleeps in the Chausat Khambah nearby. Before we take leave of the Shaikh of Delhi a reference,. however brief, must be made to his chief disciple and apostolic successor, Nasiruddin, Chiragh-i-Delhi (the light of Delhi). A Sayyid by birth, he came to the city he was to illuminate when he was forty years of age. Nasiruddin forsook his preceptor's dargah, and betook himself to the village of Khirki far from the bustle of the crowded metropolis. There he lived and died a victim of royal persecution and a martyr to intolerant fanaticism. With him were interred the most prized heirloom of the Chisti ascetics -- the cloak, the staff and the carpet of prayer which he had received from Shaikh Nizamuddin. His tomb is of little architectural interest, but near it were buried two monarchs of very different character, Buhlul, the sturdy Pathan architect of Lodi fortune, and Farrukhsiyar, a weak but wicked puppet of the Sayyid king-makers. 22
Only two Lodis deserve special mention. Buhlul (1451-1489), the founder of the family, probably ruled at Siri. His son, Sikandar (1489- 1517), transferred his capital to Agra, and Delhi suffered a temporary eclipse. But the honour of receiving the mighty sultan after his death was not denied to the traditional seat of Muslim power. The tomb of Sikandar Lodi looks like a fortress, a worthy resting place for so brave a wa.ttior. The battlemented enclosure ·gives the place a martial air which was quite in keeping with the departed monarch's taste. By the clever device of adding an inclined buttress to the angle the pillars are given a sloping effect so characteristic of this period, and copious use is made of enamelled tiles of many hues both for inner and outer decoration. We may quote here Fergusson's description of a typical Pathan tomb which applies for all practical purposes to all mortuary buildings of this period. "It consists of an octagonal apartment, surrounded by a verandah following the same form-each face being ornamented by three arches of the stilted pointed form generally adopted by the Pathans, or rather Sayyids, and it is supported by rectangular pillars, which are almost as universal with them as this form of arch. It is a form evidently borrowed from the square pier of the Jains, but so altered and so simplified, that it requires some ingenuity to recognise its origin in its new combination." In Sikandar's reign was built the beautiful Moth-ki-Masjid and thereby hangs a tale. "Once upon a time, a poor man picked up a grain of moth (pulse) which he sowed in the earth and vowed to devote its produce to a charitable purpose harvests were large enough to defray the cost of this mosque." Carr Stephen considers it a good specimen "of the style of architecture which was common in the time of the Lodis". Fanshawe goes so far as to suggest that it served as a model for Sher Shah's Qila-i-kuhna Masjid. Ibrahim, the last of the Lodis, was killed in the first battle of Panipat (1526) and the throne of Delhi passed to the house of Timur.
1. HINDU PERIOD l. The Kurus C. 1 000-C. 345 B.C. 2. The Nandas C. 345-C. 323 B.C. 3. The Mauryas C. 323-C. 185 B.C. 4. The Indo-Greeks C. 185-C. 100 B.C. 5. The Sakas and the Kushanas C. 50 B.C. -C. 320 A.D. 6. The Imperial Guptas C. 320-C. 500 A.D. 7. The Huns C. 500-C. 600 A.D. 8. The House of Pusyabhuti C. 606-C. 647 A.D. 9. The Gurjara Pratiharas C. 836-C. 1018 A.D. 10. The Tomaras? C. 1052 A.D.? 11. The Chauhans or Chahamanas C. 1151-1192 A.D. 2. MUSLIM PERIOD 12. The Shamsabanis Muizuddin Muhammad bin Sam 1193-1206 13. House of Qutbuddin (Muizziya Kings) Qutbuddin Aibak 1206-1210 Aram Shah 1210 14. House of Iltutmish (Shamsia Kings) Shamsuddin Iltutmish 1211-1236 Ruknuddin Firuz 1236 Raziyya 1236-1240 Muizuddin Bahram 1240-1242 Alauddin Masud 1242-1246 Nasiruddin Mahmud 1246-1266 15. House of Balban 1266-1220 Ghiyasuddin Balban 1266-1287 Muizuddin Kaiqubad 1287-1290 16. Khaljis 1290-1320 Jalaluddin Firuz 1290-1296 Ruknuddin Ibrahim 1296 Alauddin .Muhammad 1296-1316 Shihabuddin Umar 1316 Qutbuddin Mubarak 1316-1320 Nasiruddin Khusru (usurper) 1320 17. House of Tughluq 1320-1414 Ghiyasuddin (I) Tughluq 1320-1325 Muhammad bin Tughluq 1325-1351 Fituz bin Rajab 1351-1388 Ghiyasuddin II 1388-1389 Abu Bakr 1389-1390 Muhammad II 1390-1394 Sikandar 1394 Mahmud 1394-1396 Nusrat Shah 1396-1399 Mahmud (Restored) 1399-1413 Daulat Khan Locii (usurper) 1413-1414 18. Sayyids 1414-1451 Khizr Khan 1414-1421 Muizuddin Mubarak 1421-1434 Muhammad 1434-1444 Alauddin Alam Shah 1444-1451 19. Lodis 1451-1526 Buhlul 1451-1489 Sikandar 1489-1517 Ibrahim 1517-1526 20. Mughals (1) 1526-1538 Zahiruddin Babur 1526-1530 Nasiruddin Humayun 1530-1538 21. Sur Interruption 1538-1555 Sher Shah 1538-1545 Islam Shah 1545-1554 Muhammad Adil Shah 1554-1555 Ibrahim Shah 1555 Sikandar Shah 1555 22. Mughals (Restored) 1555-1857 Humayun 1555-1556 Jalaluddin Akbar 1556-1605 Nuruddin Jahangir 1605-1627 Dawar Bakhsh (pretender) 1627-1628 Shihabuddin Shah Jahan 1628-1657 Murad Bakhsh (pretender) 1657 Shah Shuja (pretender) 1657 Muhiyuddin Aurangzib Alamgir 1658-1707 Azam Shah (pretender) 1707 Kam Bakhsh (pretender) 1707 Qutbuddin Shah Alam I Bahadur 1707-1712 Azimush-Shan (pretender) 1712 Muizuddin Jahandar Shah 1712-1713 Muhiyuddin Farrukhsiyar 1713-1719 Rafi-ud-Darajat 1719 Shahjahan II Rafiuddaulah 1719 Nasiruddin Muhammad Shah 1719-1748 Mujahiduddin Ahmad Shah Bahadur 1748-1754 Azizuddin Alamgir II 1754-1759 Shah Jahan III 1759 Jalaluddin Shah Alam II 1759-1806 Muinuddin Muhammad Akbar II 1806-1837 Sirajuddin Bahadur Shah II 1837-1857