topics: |  history | india | mughal |

Written in 1958, this is an old-fashioned "political" history, focused on the life of a king. Jadunath Sarkar, who is mentioned in the preface, serves as the model. But the winds of historiographical change were already in the air, and Banarsi Prasad opens with an apology for such a straightforward narrative.

However, there was (and perhaps still is) a need for a more authentic narrative, based not on the hearsay of European travellers but with greater reliances on sources from court and others who lived in proximity to the court, and whose testimony, deserves to be analyzed in greater detail for their own biases, to create a balanced view of events. In colonial historiography much was made of the records of European visitors, and even the official biographies (Shahjahan had three) by court historians and other contemporary narratives, written in Persian or medieval Hindi, were harder to access. These are not given as much weight in the orientalist histories as the narrative of european travellers.

Also, the clear tendency to over-glorify Europe shows through in the work of many European historians. Thus Vincent Smith, who was a colonial administrator, attributes an Italian employed by Shahjahan, Geronimo Veroneo as the architect of the Taj, based on a vague reference in Manrique uncollaborated by any other source.

About the eurocentrism of Vincent Smith, Giles Tillotson has noted in his Taj Mahal (2008) that

equally obviously Smith's main if undeclared aim was to claim a stake for Europe and to belittle Indian workmanship. He lets this slip when triumphantly pointing out: "It should be observed than no authority ascribes the design to an Indian acrhitect"; he was either Veroneo, who was European, or Ustad Isa who was 'probably a Turk' (actually he was fictitious). [Smith also remarks] that a clever Venetian could have adopted an 'Asiatic' styule (whatever that may mean). [Hence] 'the incomparable Taj is the product of a combination of European and Asiatic genius.' The attitude is consistent with much of the rest of his book ... [p.102]

Other errors abound in these western histories, as Saksena repeatedly demonstrates. Thus, Saksena's thoroughly detailed work is intended to provide a balance in the historical record, by bringing a wide range of sources to bear on his subject and fashion a coherent narrative.

The book opens with an impressive 30 page analysis section assessing a wide range of Persian and European sources on which the work is based. It takes Jadunath Sarkar's work on Aurangzeb as a model, and seeks to extend that kind of detailed analysis to his subject monarch. This wide reading was part of Banarsi Prasad Saksena's Ph.D thesis at the University of London. He later joined the History dept at the University of Allahabad.

Saksena rightly derides the accounts of European visitors, whose description are from an immense distance when compared to the writings of those present at court or officially charged with writing biographies. Of course, the latter accounts are often biased to the patron whose blessings are being sought, but their incomparably greater detail cannot be denied.

Also, in the time-honoured historiographic tradition, Prasad manages to read several dozen texts from the courts of the Mughals, Bijapur, Persia, (many of them in manuscript form), ranging in time from the period of Akbar to well beyond Aurangzeb, he is able to juxtapose various viewpoints to synthesize a coherent version. Thus, those sympathetic to Shahjahan take a dim view of Nur Jahan's machinations, while those from Jahangir's time are more critical of young Khurram's revolt and his murder of Khusrav. Similarly, the Indian accounts differ considerably from the Persian views on the Dara's failed siege of Qandahar.

He also consults many other Indian accounts written by commoners with
some peripheral connection to the various courts.  The European accounts,
comparable to these layman narratives, are also thoroughly consulted.
Errors and inconsistencies and biases are pointed out at every turn.
While the various court authors are biased towards their patrons, the
Europeans seem largely biased towards the superiority of their own
customs.

The main sources Saksena relies on include the official biographies -
Akbarnama, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri for the early years, and the three
Padshahnaamas of Shahjahan - by Qazvani, TabatabAi and Lahauri - for his
period as emperor.  also subsidiary accounts by court personalities -
Iqbalnama Jahangiri by Mu'tamid Khan, TabaqAl-i-ShAhjahAni by Sadiq
Khan, _'ArzdAsht_: (collection of letters written by the rebel Sayyid Khan
Jahan to court), Amal Salih by Md Salih, etc.  Accounts from the Adilshahi
dynasty (FutUhAt-i-AdilshAhi by Fizuni Astrabadi, )Hadiqat-us-SalAtin by
Abdullah Shirazi).  Other accounts include four diaries recording the
interaction of their layperson or official authors with various saints and
other personages, which throw an alternate light on the events of
Shahjahan's reign.

The records of European visitors are deconstructed in the context of these
other sources.  Thus, the writings of Bernier reveal a deep franco-centric
bias - he is obsessed with the superiority of French institutions.
Tavernier is useful in his description of roads and commercial systems, but
his political history is a "mixed yarn".

Manucci, who lived his entire life in India, had a working knowledge of
Persian and Turki, and served under Dara and also Alamgir's son Shah
Alam, is much better informed.  He seems to share Prasad's disdain for
the fanciful descriptions of aristocrats like Bernier.

Excerpts : Sources

I have based my studies mainly on the contemporary Persian sources, and,
where sufficient evidence was not available, on later records as well. I
have also utilised the accounts of European travellers, which either exist
in English or have been translated into English. Intro p.i

Histories before Shahjahan's accession

Akbarnama: In the third volume of Abul Fazl's monumental work we come' across
some stray references to the birth and early education of Prince Khurram.
But his other work, the A'in, is absolutely essential for a study of the
administrative institutions of the Moghuls.  The best criticism of the A'in
is to be found in W. H. Moreland's 'Agrarian System of Muslim India.' (ii)

Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri: But more interesting than the Akbarnama and more relevant
to our subject of study is the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri or Memoirs of JahAngir.
They form as valuable an asset to literature as to history, Jahangir wrote
them himself almost up to the end of the seventeenth year of his reign; the
account of the 18th and 19th years is recorded by Mu'tamid Khan, because of
the growing weakness of the Emperor.  In the Memoirs we get a connected
account of Shahjahan's rise during the reign of his father.  But when the
prince rebelled, Jahangir's attitude changed towards him; and instead of his
sonorous titles, Shahjahan is referred to by his father as Bi-daulat.

Makhzan-i-Afaghina: The author of this work Ni'matullah was for thirty years
in the Khalsa department during the reign of Akbar, and for eleven years
occupied the post of WAqi'ah-navis under Jahangir.  Further he says that in
1595 he was serving as librarian to the Khan Khanan.  He was dismissed from
the government service in 1608, after which he was patronised by Khan Jahan
Lodhi.  He began to wnte his work on February 13, 1612, at Malkapur in Berar,
and he frankly adm1ts that his object was to record the praise of his
patron. He has devoted the first four chapters to the history of the Lodhi
and Suri dynasties, and in the fifth chapter he gives an account of the
ancestors of Khan Jahan. The last event mentioned is Khan Jahan's retirement
to Elichpur in May 1612.

After Shahjahan's accession

After Shahjahan's accession, two works almost identical in details were
produced by two writers closely connected with the court. Mirza Kamgar
Husaini wrote Maasir-i-JahAngiri in 1630; and Mu'tamid Khan completed his
IqbalnAma some time after 1632. A comparison of these two works reveals the
fact that both writers obtained their information from the same sources, but
Mu'tamid Khan is more guilty of plagiarism than KamgAr, because he has
paraphrased the Tuzuk.  According to Khafi Khan KamgAr is more reliable and
truthful than Mu'tamid Khan. But KamgAr is partial to Abdullah Khan Firoz
Jang, being closely related to him.  He offers plausible explanations for
Firoz ]ang's treacherous conduct on two occasions ; first his changing
sides on the eve of the battle of Bilochpur, and second, his desertion of
Shahjahan, after the latter's return from Bengal.  In spite of their
defects, the two works furnish valuable information on a period which
otherwise would have been a blank to us, viz., the rebellion of Shahjahan
and the events immediately preceding his accession.

The number and volume of contemporary records is simply bewildering.

Official Histories

Being proud by nature ShAhjahan was very anxious to see that the annals of
his reign were handed down to posterity in grandiose language, and to achieve
his end he successively appointed several men to do this work. Muhammad SAlih
Kambu mentions the names of Hakim Haziq and Mulla 'Abdul Latif Gujarati, who
he says, were removed from the post because of the jealousy of thetr
rivals. Unfortunately no trace of their works has survived and we do not know
how or what they wrote. (iv)

The first extant official historian of ShahjahAn' s reign is Mirza Aminai
Qazvini, a protege of Afzal Khan. It is not possible to determine the exact
time of his arrival in India, but according to his own assertion he was
present in the Deccan when the terrible famine of 1630 occurred, and entered
the Imperial service in the fifth year of ShahjahAn's reign.  He was in Afzal
Khan's train when the Emperor visited Kashmir in 1633-34.  His first
composition was the account of Aurangzib's light with the elephant Sudhakar;
it was highly commended by the Emperor. He then wrote an account of the
Bundela campaign, which so much impressed ShahjahAn that he appointed him
court historian.  He continued to hold this post till he had completed the
record of the first ten years of ShahjahAn's reign, when he was removed on
account of the jealousy of his rivals.

The PadshahnAma of Qazvini is in simple but graceful language, and is typical
of the pure Persian style of that period.   Naturally the author is partial to
his patron the Emperor.  When dealing with the latter's early life, and
especially his rebellion, he fixes the entire blame on NUr Jahan, whom he
condemns in strong language. In fact the account of the rebellion is very
meagre, and the author attempts to explain this period of trouble on
superstitious grounds. But the work is valuable for the early education of
ShahjahAn and for the events which occurred during the first ten years of the
reign.

Another Padshahnama of the same type as that of Qazvini is by Jalaluddin
TabatabAi. The extant portion covers only four years of Shahjahan's reign,
viz., 5th to 8th, but from stray references in the work it appears that
Tabatabai also wrote an account of the earlier years. His language is
picturesque and highly ornate, and his style is native Persian. From the
historical point of view his work is of no material importance, because it is
merely a reproduction of the events described by his predecessor and
countryman Qazvini; in some places, especially in the description of Kashmir,
it seems that TabAtabai has freely borrowed from Qazvini. Tabatabai oompleted
the work in 1640.

PAdshAhnAma of Abdul Hamid Lahauri

The third official historian, and the one who came up to the expectations
of ShAhjahAn, was Abdul Hamid Lahauri.  According to Md. Salih, he was a
follower of the Abul Fazl school.  When he was appointed as court
historian, he was already in the decline of his age.  The time when he
undertook this work is certainly not prior to the 12th year of Shahjahan's
reign, and may be assigned to about the 16th.  According to Muhammad Waris,
'Abdul Hamid completed the work on November 9, 1648, and died on August 30,
1654. (p. v)

Lahauri's Padshahnama covers the first 20 years of Shahjahan's reign. The
author begins the work after the style of Abul Fazl, but later gives up the
attempt. The first ten years are a mere repetition of Qazvini's work; here
and there some more details are added. In his judgment of Nur Jahan,
Lahauri is as harsh as his predecessor; and the description of Kashmir is
identical. The main value of the work lies in the second part, which
records the events of the second cycle. From the historical point of view
this record is perfect ; but there is nothing in it to attract the
attention or elicit the admiration of a student of literature.

Lahaurl was prevented from continuing work by old age, so it was entrusted
to one of his pupils, Md. Waris. He has recorded the events of the third
cycle of Shahjahan' s reign. His description of the buildings of
Shahjahanabad is very graphic and exceedingly picturesque.

Court officers: Muhammad Sadiq's Shahjahan-nAma

After Md. Waris we have to depend for our information on the accounts of
certain officers who were closely connected with the court. The first and the
most important work of this type is the Shahjahan-nAma of Muhammad Sadiq. In
spite of many autobiographical references in his work, it is difficult to
establish the identity of this writer.

Nevertheless the Shahjahan-nama, if not the most remarkable, is certainly
one of the most reliable authorities on the period. Not only was the author
most favourably placed (he held the post of DArogha-i-GhuslkhAna) to watch,
understand, and make a judicious analysis of the affairs he describes, but
even where he does not speak from personal knowledge, his sources of
information are unimpeachable. He mentions the names of four uncles, three
of whom held responsible posts in government service. Ishaq Beg Yezdi was
the MIr SAmAn of Mumtaz Mahal; Amir Khan was Mir Tuzuk,, and Baqi Khan was
for a long time governor of Akbarabad (Agra). His fourth uncle Md. Yar was
merely an ahadi or gentleman trooper.

Md. SAdiq had no axe to grind. He was not a court historian, and he did
not write to please any patron. Of course, he is partial to Shahjahan,
but otherwise he is very just, and he never spares necessary criticism,
or omits unpalatable facts.  He begins from the time of Jahangir's
death and goes up to the time of ShAhjahan' s imprisonment.

Of his impartiality a few instances may be given here : the due credit he
gives to the exertions of the followers of Khan Jahan Lodhi, who were
outnumbered by the Sayyids of BArha in the last phase of the struggle, and
to the skill of the Deccanis in swordsmanship ; the tribute he pays to the
worth of Murari Pandit whom he calls 'SAhib-i-Saif-o-Qalam,' and to the
fidelity of Nur Jahan to her dead husband ; his unstinted praise of some of
the Hindu officers, especially Makund Ray, the DivAn of Asaf Khan, and
finally his frank confession that the Moghuls failed against Qandahar
because of their inferior firearms.

He personally participated in the negotiations between Shahjahan and
Aurangzib after the defeat of Dara, and therefore his account is most
authentic.


[...]

Correspondence

The following eight collections of contemporary correspondence form a very
useful record and throw valuable light on the history of the period :

(1) Inayet-nAma by InAyet Khan Rasikh, son of Shamsuddin Lutfullah Khan, who
compiled this work when he was in his 49th year.  The author was a brother of
Shakir Khan, the author of a history of Muhammad Shah and his successors.

(2) JAmi'ul-InshA'

(3) JAmi'ul Marasili'it-Ji-Ululbab

(4) MarAsiliAt QutbshAhi: Letters of NizAmulmulk Haji 'Abdullah on behalf of
'Abdullah QutbshAh and Abul Hasan to ShahjahAn, DAra, Aurangzib, Shuja and
the 'Adilshah of BijApAr.

(5) MunshA't Tahir Vahid.

(6) BahAr-i-Sukhan : The author Md. Salih KambU began to collect letters
addressed by Shahjahan and Aurangzib to the rulers of Persia and
Trans-Oxiana, and also those written by various court officers ; but the
work was interrupted by the death of MaulAnA Abul Barkat Munir, who had
proposed to write a preface to the collection. After completing the
collection Md. Salih submitted it for revision to MaulAna Abul Fath
MultAnl. There are four chamans or gardens : the first consists of
political correspondence, and in this the most important letter is that of
Aurangzib to 'Abdul 'Aziz Khan of Trans-Oxiana, in which the former
communicates the news of his victory to the latter, and justifies the
execution of Dara, whom he charges with heresy.

The second chaman comprises personal letters, the third consists of the
writer's compositions in praise of Shahjahanabad (Dihli), Lahore, Akbarabad
(Agra), Kashmir and the court ceremonials, especially the decorations in
the fort of Agra at the time of Shahjahan's weighing ceremony ; the fourth
chaman consists of miscellaneous letters to officials.

(7) Char Chaman - This work of Munshi-uz-Zaman Chandra BhAn has been noted
in the tenth chapter.

(8) AdAb-i-'Alamgiri: This work is a collection of letters written by Qabil
Khan on behalf of Aurangzib. These letters vividly portray the character of
the prince, and truly reveal his ambitions and aspirations. When Aurangzib
was the viceroy of the Deccan, he regularly wrote to his father, and in
every letter he prayed for rhe long life and prosperity of the Emperor.
God did vouchaafe a fairly long life to Shahjahan, as to prosperity it
ceased after his deposition.  Another interesting fact gleaned in this
correspondence is Shahjahan's love for the Deccan mangoes, and his
instructions to Autangzib for a regular supply.

European accounts

Quite a large number of European. travellers visited India.  in the first
half of the seventeenth century. They have left accounts of what they saw
and experienced in this country, But unfortunately their narratives are
vitiated by an attempt on their part to cater to the imagination of their
readers.

Moreover a majority of them were obsessed with the idea of race superiority,
and were thus unable to appreciate properly the institutions which they
describe. Their common epithet for Indians is 'barbarian'.
Also some of them were half-educated men and were unfit either to observe
correctly or to record their impressions precisely ; and most of them were
not in a position to obtain authentic information about political affairs,
hence they content themselves by re-producing rumours and current
gossip.

In the case of those travellers who were well-educated and highly
connected, a serious defect of another type is noticeable, They compare the
Moghul government and Indian institutions with an ideal system which they
have in their mind, and naturally when it falls short of their expectations
they emphasise the evils without making due allowance for the good. These
considerations have created in my mind suspicions about the veracity of the
assertions of European travellers, and I hesitate to believe them in their
criticism of the medieval institutions whether political or social.

Moreover, I think that a comparison of the medieval institutions with the
modern institutions to establish the superiority of the latter, as has been
done by many modern writers who believe these European travellers
implicitly, is not only essentially erroneous, but also expresses a want of
faith in the principle of evolution.
[...]

Sebastian Manrique

Sebastian Manrique, a Portuguese from Oporto, was attached to Bengal
mission in 1629, and he remained for the next six years in Arakan. He spent
three years (1637-40) in a long voyage to Philippines and China, and the
year 1640-41 saw him travelling through Northern India from Dacca to
Qandahar, on his way to Europe. He reached Rome in 1643 and published his
work Itenerario in 1649. He was murdered in 1669.

The major portion of his work is devoted to the description of Arakan, and
the accuracy with which he paints the picture of the social life of the
time renders his narrative of inestimable value.  Though a missionary and a
Roman Catholic he is ungrudging in his appreciation of really good features
in the Eastern civilisation ; and unlike most of the contemporary
travellers he gives little evidence of European bias. It is true that he
adds little to our information, but the touch of personal experience
running throughout his work enhances its importance.

In Northern India he was struck by the richness of the people, the
fertility of the soil and the abundance and cheapness of victuals. He pays
tribute to the skill of 'the barbarians in the game of chess, grows
eloquent in his praise of mango, and speaks highly of the orderliness in
the Moghul camp.  His reference to the system of mass education in Arakan,
which centred round the temples and monasteries, is interesting ; and his
description of the licence and luxury of the Moghuls is quite [accurate].
He gives a detailed account of every town which he visited, and refers to
the weighing ceremony of the Moghul Emperor, the Moghul darbAr, and the
growing building of the Taj, which he says, was planned by Germino Veroneo.

Of the contemporary political events Manrique records only a few. He
mentions the treacherous surrender of Qandahar, and the rumoured attempt of
the governor of Farah for its recovery. He also refers to the enormous
influence of Asaf Khan whom he ca11s 'secundus de rege.' He mentions the
marriage of Shuja' to the daughter of Mirza Rustam Safavi.

Manrique, like so many others, when he deals with htstorical events of
which he had no personal knowledge, mixes up facts with fiction.  The most
outstanding instance of this is the account of the rebellion of Shahjahan.
He says little about the reduction of Hugli except what he has mentioned in
connection with the story of Father de Christo who was for nine years in
prison at Agra. But while dealing with ArakAn he throws some sidelights on
the nature of the Portuguese activities which provoked the Moghul
attack. He has copied the account of the Moghul government from De Laet
[who never visited India].  [xxvi]

Chapter 1: Childhood and youth

Shahjahan : born on the night of Thursday the 5th January, 1592, at Lahore
in the 36th year of his grandfather's reign. His mother was the Rajput
Princess MAnmati or Jagat Gosa1n whom Salim had married in 1586. She was the
daughter of the Mota Raja Uday Singh. p.1
[Akbarnama (AN) v3 p.921; Jahangir gives birth year as 999 which is clearly
wrong (Tuzuk RB v.1 p.19); Qazvini f.116; Lahauri v.1 p.16;
Maasir-i-Jahangiri f.42;
mother: AN v3 p.749; Beni Prasad p. 30 n.5; Kaviraj Shyamal Das says her
other name was Jodhbai but he places the ddate of marriage as 1588.  JASB
1888. Beale p.363 and Manrique v2:201 wrongly give her name as Balmati. ]

[Zodiac sign:  Libra]

To Akbar the advent of this grandson was of more than ordinary interest. It
was doubly welcome : it brought him the usual felicity, but, more than
that, it revived the drooping spirits of his childless wife Ruqn\h Sultan
Begum. Her astrologer Gobind had predicted to her the happy event, and had
advised her to adopt the child. So when, in accordance with the custom
obtaining among the Toyalty, on the siJmaktab ceremony was performed. The occasion was probably celebrated
with the customary pomp and festivity.  His first teacher was Mulla Qas1m
Beg Tabrezi, pupil of the renowned Mirza Jan Tabrezi.
Besides being a distinguished scholar and a master of rational sciences he
was a Sufi of high attainments, [both rational science (Tabaqat) and Sufi
spirituality (Abul Fazal)] and probably one of the translators of
Majmua'h-i-Buldan, a stupendous work on geography. He was succeeded by an
equally eminent man Hakim 'Ali Gilani, a physician of standing reputation,
and a scholar of sterling merits. In medicine he was successively a pupil
of his maternal uncle Hakim-ul-mulk Shirazi, and of Shah Fathullah Gilani,
and in theology a student of Shaykh 'Abd-un-Nabi. p.2-3

When in 1597 A.D. Akbar was going for the last time to Kashmir he left hie
grandson at Lahore under the guardianship of Mir Murad Juwaini [the Bakhshi
of Lahore in 1598].  The Mlr was to teach him archery and to perform daily
before him the taslim-i-qur salute. Later when Khurram accompanied his
grandfather to the Deccan.  Akbar appointed Raja Salivahan to train him in
rifle shooting. Riding and swordsmanship formed a part of his daily
exercises and the prince showed more interest in them than in the dry
lessons on rhetoric and prosody. 5

Khurram attacks a tiger

[1610 Nov: Jahangir group goes on a cheetah hunt] Anup Ray, who was leading
the party, by chance saw a half-eaten bullock near a big tree. [The next]
instant a powerfu1 tiger emerged out of a clump of thickets, and rushed
past him. He immediately despatched men to inform Jahanglr who rode to the
spot in great haste and excitement. He was accompanied by Prince Khurram,
Ram Das, I'timad Ray, and Hayat Khan.  Jahangir's horse shied at the sight
of the tiger who had taken shelter under a tree, and so he
dismounted. Prince Khurram stood a short distance off on the left, and
others took their positions behind him. Jahangir's first shot missed the
tiger, but being struck by the second, it ran, charged and wounded the
chief huntsman, and then retired to its former position. Hardly had
Jahaugir fixed his aim and fired for the third time, when the animal made
a furious dash at the party, who losing their nerve fell one upon another,
In fact two or three of them even walked over Jahangir, until he was
assisted to rise up by I'timad Ray and Kamal. 12


mughal miniature painting of a lion attacking a hunt
team member, while a prince attacks the lion with open sword.
[This miniature mughal painting (22.8 x 18.2 cm),
possibly a painting in a manuscript book, reached
Britain during the period of conquest, and was
auctioned by Christie's in 2012 for £6,875.
The prince in this image is not identified, but
the scene is similar to that described with a tiger here.]
link:
http://www.christies.com/lotfinder/paintings/a-lion-attack-mughal-india-late-17th-5635888-details.aspx

Meanwhile the tiger turned to the left and desperately charged Anup Ray.
The latter struck it with his stick, but was overpowered by the sheer
weight of the animal. The tiger opened its jaws, caught both of his hands,
and plunged its sharp teeth through them.  Anup Ray fell under it and his
life was in danger. Within the twinkling of an eye Prince Khurram drew his
sword, struck the tiger in the loins, and returned the blood-smeared blade
to the scabbard. The animal writhed with pain and fell down.  None but
Hayat Khan could notice the dexterity of the prince, and when he brought it
to the notice of Jahangir, the latter highly commended his son for his
modesty. It was, however, not before the tiger had wounded Anup Ray further
in the breast and killed a torch-bearer that it was finally despatcbed.
[40 Tuzuk-J [R. B.], Vol. I, pp. 184-88; Iqbalnama, pp. 47-48;
	Maasir-i-Jahangiri, ff 96-97; Qazvini, ff. 46b-47b.]

Anup Ray in recognition of his bravery obtained the title of Ani-Ray Singh
Dalan. Prince Khurram on the occasion of the New Year's celebrations was
promoted to the rank of 10,000 zat and 5,000 suwar.


painting of the later shahjahan killing a tiger.
		[ painting at National Gallery of Australia]

Chapter V: The Portuguese in Hugli

In 1537, some Portuguese merchants of Sandip [Sandwip] secured the grant of
the side of Hugli from the then ruler of Bengal.

Originally a little town, Hugli soon grew in size and population.  The
inhabitants built strong houses, and mounted on their roofs small guns and
field pieces. An offshoot of the Ganges afforded a natural protection to the
town on one side, while an artificial ditch enclosed the othet three.
[2 TabatabAi, f. I lb; Qazvini, f. 252; Lahauri, Vol I, p. 434.]

Situated as it was at the entrance of the commercial highway of Bengal, in
a very short time it became the richest and the most flourishing port in
that region. Here vessels from other parts of India, from China, the
Moluccas, and Manilla weighed anchor ; and Moghuls, Persians, and Armenians
carried on a brisk trade.
[Manrique, Vol. II, p. 392 (Cabral's letter),]
[l. Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. XIII, p. 164; Campos, 'History of the
Portuguese in Bengal,' Chapter V; Danvers says that about this time
attempts were made to extend the Portuguese influence in Bengal. The
Portuguese in India, v.1, p. 422.]

The unsettled political condition of Bengal during the rest of the sixteenth
century proved of great advantage to the Portuguese, who established their
dominance and extended their commerce. They obtained a monopoly of salt from
the government, and paid an annual revenue of 10,000 tanka to the Moghul
treasury.  They became a rich and affluent community enjoying almost
independent jurisdiction.  The Moghul governor never interfered with their
internal affairs, which were managed by a chief and four elected citizens.
To minister to their spiritual needs, which were few, there was a church
which was supervised by Augustinian missionaries.  Most of the inhabitants
were half-castes who had deserted their principals at Goa, Cochin and
Moluccas, and were daring and unscrupulous. [4 Manrique, Vol. ll, p. 393]

They leagued themselves with the pirates of Chittagong who were Portuguese
of a similar description, scoured the neighbouring seas, entered the
numerous branches of the Ganges, ravaged the islands of lower Bengal,
	scoured the neighbouring seas in light galleys, called galleasses,
	entered the numerous arms and branches of the Ganges, ravaged the
	islands of Lower Bengal, and often penetrating forty or fifty leagues
	up the country carried away the entire population of villages on
	market days, and at times when the inhabitants were assembled for
	celebration of marriage or some other festival. The marauders made
	slaves of their unhappy captives, and burnt whatever could not be
	removed...
	[Their treatment of such slaves was abominable.]
	They would often offer for sale the aged people in their very places
	of residence, and it was a pathetic sight to see young men redeeming
	their parents." [5 Bernier, pp. 174-76; Qazvini, f. 252b]

The growth of their trade gave a blow to the prosperity of Satganv and
SonArgAnv, and their depredations devastated the neighbouring towns.[6
Danvers, Vol. II. p 246; Qazvini notices the decline of Satganv. (p. 252).]
Further, they persistently tried to force the Catholic religion on all those
who became subject to their rule.  These converts were either sent as slaves
to other Portuguese territories, or were sold to man the galleys of the Magh
King of Arakan, [7 Manrique, Vol. II, p. 314]
a sworn enemy of the Moghuls, whom they supplied with gun-powder, ammunition,
saltpetre and other requisites of war.  Thus their existence became a source
of grave danger to the peace and prosperity of lower Bengal, because from
peaceful traders they had turned into roving pirates.

But during the reign of Jahangir, they were left free to do what they
pleased, so long as they paid the government demand.  To Shahjahan,
however, they gave serious cause of offence by refusing to help him when he
went as a rebel to Bengal.  On the contrary, they cooperated with Prince
Parwiz, and one of them even played false with Shahjahan.  Manoel Tavers, a
resident of Hugli, first sided with Shahjahan, but deserted him at a
critical moment, seized some of his richly-laden boats, and carried away
some of his women-servants including two slavegirls of Mumtaz Mahall.

Another incident which occurred about the same time was the arrogant
behaviour of Miguel Rodriguez, a gallant and highly respectable youth, and
a favourite of Ibrahim Khan, the Governor of Bengal.  When the offer was
made him, he declined to join the service of ShahjahAn.  These insults
rankled deep in the latter's heart, and he meditated revenge as soon as he
came to power.  Even after his accession the Portuguese did nothing to
placate Shahjahan, and even omitted to send him presents and messages of
congratulation. [8 Letter of J Cabral.]

The hour of retribution, however, had not yet struck.  Fortunately for
them, Shahiahan was occupied with other affairs in the Empire.  Unmindful
of their impending doom the Portuguese did not cease their career of
rapacity and blackmail.  In 1629, Diego da Sa sallied from the Magh
territory to a large village near Dacca, and plundered it ruthlessly.
Further, he captured a Moghul lady of rank, who was escaping in a covered
cart with her daughter and daughter-in-law, and attempted to violate her
chastity.  Her husband complained of the outrage to the Emperor, who was
highly incensed at the incident, but it was not before 1632 that effective
steps eould be taken to deal with the Portuguese. [9 Letter of J Cabral.]

A quarrel between two Portuguese merchants, one from Satganv and the other
from Hugli, furnished the occasion for the intended attack. The former
Martin Alfonso de Mello was summoned by his rival Martin Luther to settle
the dispute in the town of Hugli. But the latter being highly connected
Alfonso was not sanguine of obtaining a just verdict. He therefore turned
to Qasim Khan, the Governor of Dacca, and complained against the town of
Hugli as a whole, charging the inhabitants with crimes for which hardly any
proof was needed.  Qasim, Khan at the time of his appointment had
definitely been instructed by the Emperor, who subsequently reminded him by
repeated farmAns, to extirpate the Portuguese.  The complaint of Alfonso
and his promise of help gave Qasim Khan the long-sought-for opportunity.

[10 J Cabral emphasises the religious motive of ShAhjahan in ordering
the destruction of the Portuguese. Qazvini (f 252 b) and Lahauri (Vol. l,
pp. 434-35) gave the religious consideration a secondary, but by no means
a less important [role] than the political significance. But Danvers
erroneously presumes that this attack of Hugli by ShAhjahan was intended to
make amends for his defeat in the Deccan (Vol. II, p. 247.) Cabral also
notices that the Moghul coveted the wealth of Bandel. Manucci thinks that
the attack was due to the importunity of MumtAz Mahall.]

He planned to take the Portuguese by surprise.  [Qazvini, ff
252b-53. LAhauri, Vol, I, pp. 435-36, Cabral calls Qasim Khan a 'worthy
henchman of his King,' and like Qazvini and Lahauri says that QAsim Khan
waited for a favourable opportunity to strike the blow, {Manrique, Vol. II,
p. 396.)]  Accordingly he despatched his son 'InAyetullah on the pretext of
leading a campaign to Hijli in Burdwan, where he was asked to wait till the
arrival of Khvaja Shir, Ma'sum Zamindar, Md Salih and others with the
flotilla of boats from Sripur.  Moreover, Bahadur was sent with 500 troops to
MakhsusAbad to cooperate with 'Inayetullah as soon as he had joined the naval
forces led by Khvaja Shir. At the appointed signal 'Inayetullah, moved from
Burdwan, and within twenty-four hours reached Haldipur midway between Satganv
and Hugli.  Bahadur soon joined him with his contingent, and they began to
block the passage to HuglI to prevent the Portuguese escaping through
it.  The invading army consisted of 600 boats, 14,000 horsemen, 90
elephants and a large force of infantry.
[12 This number has been mentioned by Manrique who aays that the defenders
numbered 180 Portuguese and 600 slaves 'yet ao formidable a multitude did
these few appear in the eyes of the attackers that venturing to attack they
attempted to dissuade them from defending it, by promises and offers.'
(Vol. II, p. 323.) According to Danvers the number of the Portuguese was
200. (Vol. II, pp 247-48,)]

The reduction of Hugli

When the Portuguese sighted this multitudinous host advancing both by land
and water, they were alarmed.  They approached the Fathers of the Society
of Jesus to bring about an amicable settlement with the invaders.
Accordingly John Cabral taking two topazes went to see the Moghul
commander, who charged the Portuguese of Hugli with the abetment of the
attack and destruction of Murshidabad by the Magh King, with the offence of
the purchasing of a Sayyid woman by one of them, and finally with traffic
in slaves.  Azvedo, the Portuguese captain, denied the first and the third
charges, and to the second he replied that he could not be held responsible
for the action of individuals. Upon this Bahadur Khan proposed to send his
men into the town to search the houses of Portuguese, and those who were
found in possession of slaves should be punished. But the Captain did not
agree even to this. In the end, Cabral made one more attempt to bring about
an accommodation, but he failed.

[after several days with heavy loss also on the mughal side, the portuguese
sue for peace.]
sent Father Fry Antonio de Christo to negotiate terms with the Moghul
commander, and a Moghul woman accompanied him to influence her
co-religionists. 'Inayetullah made three demands: first, that the
Portuguese should surrender the four warships which they had seized ;
second, that they should set all Bengali slaves free ; and third, that
everyone of them should come individually to pay respect and homage to
him -- certainly this was the most humiliating condition.

The Captain readily consented to the first demand, and -surrendered the
ships.  ... the Captain surrendered about ninety Christian slaves to the
Moghuls, who later insisted on the surrender of all black women, their
skilled cooks, their dancing girls, their confectioners and their
seamstresses.   A few consented even to this, and gathered a large party of
this description m a Church, but it was dispersed by the Portuguese
soldiers who were opposed to any further surrenders.  But the third demand
was literally complied with.

Next came the time to fix the amount of indemnity, and the Moghul commander
demanded 700,000 patakas. But the Portuguese declined to pay such a heavy
sum and their plenipotentiaries John Cabral, de Christo and the Moghul
woman were detained by 'Inayetullah.  Next day he released Cabral to
persuade his friends to accept the terms. But at the time of his departure
an Armenian told Cabral that the Moghul commander was biding his time by
prolonging the negotiations, and that he was waiting for further
reinforcements.  This information was confirmed by spies, and the
Portuguese decided to fight.

But being unable to defend both Bali and Hugll, they retired to the latter
place. The Moghuls occupied Bali, and celebrated their victory by
plundering the inhabitants and massacring them, and by setting fire to
houses. However, they spared the Christian College, and a few other houses.

Desultory warfare between the Moghuls and the Portuguese continued for
about a month and a half, after which heavy artillery, consisting of 120
field pieces from 12 pounders upwards, reached Hugli. Also Martin Alfonso,
the deadly enemy of the garrison, arrived w1th a party of miners and a few
warships, to help the beleaguering forces.  With this accession of
strength, the Moghuls opened the bombardment of Hugli from all sides.
Further, to frighten the native rowers in the Portuguese employ, the
Imperialists imprisoned about 4,000 families. To save their women and
children, the rowers in a body deserted the Portuguese and came over to the
Moghuls. [Qazvini f. 253]

This weakened the position of the Portuguese, and not being sanguine of
reinforcements they opened negotiations for peace for the third time,
'Inayetullah readily consented to come to terms, for a temporary scarcity of
food was thinning his ranks. After some discussion the Portuguese paid 10,000
tankas as the first instalment of the indemnity, and promised to pay soon the
other instalment of 200,000 tankas, This money replenished the Moghul
treasury, and 'Inayetullah strengthened his army.

Meanwhile Martin Alfonso prepared further means for the destruction of his
enemies. He improvised a pontoon of boats by linking them with huge beams,
nails, cramps and chains. Across the length of this pontoon ran a thick
cable which spanned the creek of Hugli from shore to shore. Further, he
managed to bar all other exits as well.

[Bahadur Khan mined the base of the church]
By massing there the Moghuls drew most of the Portuguese to that point, and
when once they had assembled the mine was fired. The explosion wrought
terrible destruction among the garrison, and irretrievably demoralised the
survivors.

Fall of Hugli

Leaving about fifty or sixty of their number, the Portuguese left Hugli in
a body by boat. The Moghuls immediately occupied the town, where a dreadful
carnage ensued.  The streets were strewn with corpses, and a large number
of houses were burnt. The Portuguese flotilla made an attempt to escape
from the river by cutting through the Moghul cordon. They had a large
number of boats, but their crews were weak and undisciplined. Only the ship
of Manoel Azvedo was well equipped with falconets, swivels, and guns. But
the opposing army possessed 500 boats and consisted of 100,000 troops
protected by 5 leagues of trenches, 120 pieces of artillery and an
unlimited supply of musketry. p.112

When the Moghuls saw the Portuguese on the river, they despatched a fire
raft laid on 16 boats laden with a large quantity of firewood, pitch,
saltpetre, and sulphur ; but their attempt to set fire to the enemy's
flotilla failed. On the other hand, the Portuguese seized the raft, and
broke through the cordon whtch had closed their path.  Now began a deadly
pursuit in which hundreds of lives were lost. One after another the
Portuguese boats full of fugitives were either seized or sunk.  One of them
was richly laden, and belonged to Gomez Bareciroz, a leading merchant of
Hugli.  It was full of women.  The Moghuls overpowered its crew, and
captured the occupants.

Nevertheless some Portuguese did manage to escape, and they reached Sagour,
where they converted a pagoda into a fort, and sent John Cabral to conclude
peace with the Magh King of Arakan.

Thus Hugli was cleared of pirates.

During the campaign about 10,000 souls, old, young, women and children, lost
their lives. About 4,400 persons of both sexes including Europeans, slaves
and slave-girls, who had forcibly been converted to Christianity, were taken
prisoner, and about 10,000 inhabitants of the neighbouring parganas and
villages, who had fallen into the hands of the Portuguese, obtained their
freedom. The loss on the Moghul side was not less heavy. Thirty-two of their
boats were destroyed in the fire raft engagement, sixty in the pontoon
affair, and more than a hundred were stranded on the shore and rendered
useless, The casualties in their ranks numbered thousands.

A miserable fate awaited the captives. After eleven months of tedious
journeying in which tender women and innocent children were exposed to
inclement weather, they reached Agra, where they were presented before
Shahjahan.  He ordered them to be distributed among the princes and nobles,
and included some attractive women in his own harem.

Further, the Emperor tried to induce some of the Portuguese priests to turn
Musalman by promising them high rank and attractive rewards. But they
obstinately declined such overtures, and de Christo even boldly suggested
to the Emperor to become a Christian to save his soul from perdition.
De Christo was consigned to prison, where he bore his cross like a true
Christian for nine years. Two other Christian priests who had remained in
Hugli were abominably treated by the Mullas of Dacca.  One of them was
beaten to death and another severely wounded.  Of other Portuguese, those
who accepted Islam were released immediately, while the others were
imprisoned and were mercilessly tortured.
[15 Bernier, pp 176-17; Manrique, Vol. II, p. 325;
pp. 331-33, and pp. 336-39: Manucci, Vol. I, p. 183.

The destruction of Hugli, and the inhuman treatment meted out to the
Portuguese, have incessantly been attributed to the religious intolerance
of Shahjahan. This is the truth, but not the whole truth. That there were
other causes over and above religious frenzy should be apparent from the
foregoing narration.
[Even] those who condemn Shahjahan speak not a word in favour of the
Portuguese. They are not depicted as a peace-loving community, carrying on
legitimate business in Hugli.  Their piracy, their proselytising zeal, and
their dishonesty, are mentioned in every contemporary chronicle, foreign as
well as native.

The fate which they suffered was what they deserved, but too severely
carried out. But if their extinction coincided with the adoption of a
policy of intolerance by Shahjahan, it would be wrong to assume that the
latter was the cause of the former. p.115


[see this fiction work - River slaves]
http://www.wattpad.com/47352770-the-river-slaves-6-20-june-1632th-year-of-christ

Daily routine at Agra

Sarkar has well observed 'that the royal throne was not exactly a bed of
roses...  The king had his duties, and his division of time showed that he
knew the fact.' [Jadunath Sarkar: Studies in Moghul India, p. 15.]

The popular view that the life of a Moghul Emperor was an unceasing round of
pleasure, lasciviousness, sport and sensuality, is refuted by the very minute
details of his daily routine, which we come across in contemporary Persian
histories. This routine was strictly adhered to, whether the Emperor was in
camp or at the capital. And there is overwhelming evidence to prove that
Shahjahan led a strenuous life, and divided his time evenly between
government and sport.

[The dally routine is described by Qazvini, Lahauri, and by Chandra
BhAn in his second Chaman.  Manucci refers to consultations.]

morning

Shahjahan woke up about two watches before sunrise, and after performing his
daily ablutions went to his private mosque where sitting on a carpet he
waited for the hour of prayer. After saying the morning prayer, he counted
his beads till sunrise.  When travelling he said these prayers in his
private apartments.

[AM: the use of the word "watch" perhaps follows earlier european
histories.  i am not sure what a "watch" is, and saksena doesn't clarify.
In the naval tradition, a ship's watch used to be four hours, but here it
is clearly something more like an hour.]

From the mosque he went to the Jharoka Darshan [a kind of bay window
projecting from the building] where he showed himself to his subjects every
morning. This wise practice was instituted by Akbar, and was continued by his
successors. The principle underlying it was characterised not so much by
vanity as by the real desire on the part of the sovereign to come into closer
touch with his subjects. Moreover in an age when the fabric of the Empire
rested on the personality of the monarch, it was necessary for him to assure
his people that he was clever and in full enjoyment of his bodily
vigour. Here the public had free access to him and could seek justice even
against the highest officials of the government, without the assistance of an
intermediary.

It is doubtful if the common people had courage enough.  to approach the
Emperor. His regal dignity would have overawed them ; but more than that,
they would have been afraid to court the animosity of the revengeful and
corrupt officers who controlled the admirustration.  But so far as Shahjahiin
is concerned it should be noted that he gave ear even these complaints...

Besides the admission of complaints and public salute the Emperor had many
other things to occupy his attention at the time of the Jharoka Darshan. Here
the newly captured elephants, which could not be brought into the courtyard
facing the Hall of Public Audience, were shown to the Emperor.  It was from
the Jharofta (window) that Shahjahan witnessed his favourite sport of
elephant combats.  On some days as many as five pairs were made to fight in
succession to the delight of the Emperor. It was here, also that mansabdars
passed their contingents in review.

divAn-i-Am (public audience)

After spending about an hour in Jharoka Darshan the Emperor repaired to the
Public Hall of Audience known as the DivAn-i-Am.  It is an imposing building
of red sand stone supported on forty pillars.
[This was called GhuslkhAna in the reign of Akbar and Jahangir, but
ShahjahAn renamed it Daulat Khana-i-Khan. Lahauri, Vol. II, p. 220.]

Its three sides open into the adjoining courtyard, and the fourth side is
screened by a wall with an alcove in the centre raised above the level of
the hall. The alcove 1s of the purest white marble, richly decorated with
pietra dura work and low reliefs of flowers.  This hall at Agra is simple in
design, and lacks that artistic decoration which is so conspicuous in the
hall in the Dihli fort. A similar hall though of modest proportions was
built for the same purpose in the Lahore fort. When the Emperor was in camp
a place for Public Audience was improvised by erecting large tents.

The business in the DivAn-i-'Am began with the appearance of the Emperor at
about 7-40 a.m. First the Chief Bakhshi presented the petitions of
mansabdars, and ushered into the royal presence those who deserved
promotion. Those who were appointed abroad received robes of honour. Then
the Sadr brought to the notice of the Emperor the cases of the poor and
destitute, and also introduced to audience the learned and the pious. After
that the MIr SAmAn and the DivAn BiyutAt placed the papers of their
departments before the Emperor. Then the Bakhshi of Ahadis, the Mir Atish,
and the Mushrif of TopkhAna, presented new recruits to their respective
departments.  After that, influential mansabdArs in court laid before the
Emperor the representations or presents from the provincial governors,
divAns, or bakhsIs.  Often the Emperor personally read these papers, and
wrote orders on them.  And last, the 'Arz-i-Mukarrar presented to the
Emperor the memoranda relating to mansab, jAgirs, and naqdi.  Serious work
being over, the audience was concluded with the inspection of elephants and
horses with fixed rations.

divAn-i-khAs (private audience) and Shah Burj

From the Divan-i-'Am the Emperor went to the DivAn-i-KhAs, or the Hall of
Private Audience.  The halls both in Agra and Dihli were constructed in the
reign of Shahjahan.  Tavernier describes the former and of the latter
Md. Waris gives a picturesque account. Here the Emperor spent another two
hours in transacting such business as for administrative or political
reasons could not be done publicly.  High ministers of State placed their
representations before the Emperor, who either dictated orders or wrote them
himself.  Special cases of need were reported by the Sadr, who obtained the
Emperor's sanction to grants of the madad-i-mu'ash or dole.  Here the
Emperor inspected the works of art, e.g., painting and embroidery.  The
DArogh-i-ImArat waa always present here to obtain the Emperor's approval to
the plans of royal buildings.  These plans were fully discussed here, and in
the first part of the reign Asaf Khan was the chief adviser of the Emperor
in affairs connected with architecture.  Also in the DivAn-i-KhAs hawks,
falcons, and trained cheetahs were presented to the Emperor.

From the DivAn-i-KhAs, the Emperor went to the Shah Burj or 'royal tower'
where a strictly secret council was held.  With the exception of the princes
and three or four other officers none was allowed entry.  No officer could
stay there beyond the time taken by his business.


[shah burj (called musamman burj today) at agra,
 where he was imprisoned in his old age]

In the Shah Burj secret decisions were taken, and confidential orders were
drafted, and despatched to provincial officers.  Also the business relating
to Khalsa (crown lands), Talab (salary) or Tankhwah (pay) which could not be
transacted in the DioAn-i-KhAs was transacted here.  Aminai Qazvini says
that it was here that the Emperor occasionally summoned him to correct his
work.  About two watches were spent in the Shah Burj.

Siesta and charities

It was now past midday and the Emperor retired to the harim. Here also some
work awaited him. After taking his meal he had a siesta, and when he awoke
MumtAz Mahall placed before him a list of deserving cases for charity,
brought to her notice by her chief maid Sati Khanum, sister of the
poet-laureate of Jahangir's court.  The Emperor considered every case
individually and passed his orders.  Suitable dowries were provided for poor
and destitute girls, and sometimes their marriages were also arranged.
Orphans and widows were given subsistence money. It was rarely that a
suppliant turned away disappointed from the palace. Thus large sums were
daily distributed in relief work.  p.242

The Emperor left the palace at about 3 p.m.  He sometimes came to the
DivAn-i-'Am to inspect the palace guards, but usually joined the
congregation for his after the evening noon prayers.  After this he spent
the evening in transacting administrative work in the DivAn-i-Khas, and then
in listening to music or witnessing deer fights.

Big chandeliers were now lighted, and their effect on the brocaded curtains
and cushions must have been marvellous.  We can but dimly imagine the
glittering beauty of the DivAn-i-KhAs at Dihli when it was lit up in the
evening.  Even now, that it is completely divested of its once gorgeous
furniture, the lines of Amir Khusrau inlaid on one side of its walls remind
one that it must have been 'a Heaven on earth'.

At 8 p.m. after holding another council for half an hour in the ShAh
Burj, the Emperor retired to the harim where he took his supper, and then
listened to songs sung by women. At about 10 p.m. he retired to bed. A
screen separated the royal bed chamber from the gaze of good readers who
sat on the other side and read aloud books on various subjects, e.g.,
travel, lives of saints, or history. The autobiography of Babur was the
Emperor's favourite. 243

This routine was varied only on fridays, which is the Muslim sabbath, and
when no court was held, and on Wednesday when the Emperor repaired directly
from the Jharokha Darshan to the Hall of Private Audience to hear appeals and
administer justice. Here he sat on the Firoz Takht and opened the proceedings
in the presence of judicial officers, muftis, and jurists. The DArogh-i-
AdAlat presented every case individually, and the Emperor talked to
complainants and passed orders in strict accordance with Shara' or Muslim
law.

Architecture

[in his assessment of the artistic merits of shahjahan, saksena is clearly
on a less firm wicket.]

Experts hold divergent views on the architectural style of this period.

Those who hesitate to credit Indian genius with the capacity to produce
anything new or original trace in it a powerful extraneous influence.
[Fergusson: History of Indian and Eastern Architecture, p. 286;
V. Smith, History of the Fine Arts, p.172]
But others hold a contrary opinion and assert that, this style is the
natural growth and consummation of strictly Indian traditions.
[Havell : Indian Architecture, Chapter VI.]

It is impossible to pronounce a final judgment on such a delicate question,
but it seems clear that the truth lies between the two extremes.  The
style, it may safely be presumed, was the product of an impact of one
culture on the other. It had a steady growth which attained perfection in
this period, when it received impetus and patronage.

The striking difference in style between the buildings of Akbar's reign and
those of his grandson at first sight, precludes the possibility of evolution
in the eyes of those who do not ponder to find a clue or link between the
two. But a little thinking dispels any such notions. If we take the
buildings of the two reigns together, we can surely establish a chain, and
trace the stages of development. There is yet one other explanation for this
sudden change, and it is to be found in the number of buildings constructed
during Shahjahan's reign.

Moreover the Emperor himself understood the science of architecture well,
and possessed a keen sense of distinguishing the impressive and grandiose
from the ugly and grotesque.  ... he examined every plan and pulled it to
pieces with experts before giving his final approval.
[There was an official - the DArogha-i-'ImArat - in charge of the building
department.  Makramat KhAn for a time held this post.]

In these circumstances it is no wonder that a superb and strikingly new
style should be evolved.

Shahjahan' s taste in architecture dates back to the very early period of
his life. Even as a prince we find him altering and renovating the buildings
assigned to him for his residence.  When he became King, he gave full vent
to this [interest].

Every place which ShAhjahAn visited during his reign bears a monument of his
insatiable architectural interest.  At Ajmir the mosque in the mausoleum of
Shaykh Mu'inuddin ChisTi and the Barah Dari on the Anna Sagar bear eloquent
testimony to his taste. Kashmir, Lahore, Ambala, BarI, FaizabAd, Gwalior,
Kabul and many other cities are mentioned by contemporary chroniclers as
towns where ShahjahAn erected buildings. But the most representative and the
best preserved are those at Agra and Dihli.

The fort of Agra is a conglomeration of buildings of various types ranging
from the time of Akbar to that of Shahjahan.
[Agra Fort described by Sayyid Md. Latif in his 'Agra Historical
and Descriptive,' pp. 74-79.]
The latter built there the DivAn-i-'Am and the DivAn-i-KhAs, and the
residences for the royal ladies.  "Its chambers, corridors and pavilions
white marble, most elaborately carved, and exquisitely ornamented with
flowers."
[Agra Fort described by Sayyid Md. Latif in his 'Agra Historical
and Descriptive,' pp. 74-79.]

The Saman Burj [mus-sAman burj] is another beautiful structure which was
once decorated with precious stones. It was here that Shahjahan breathed his
last with his eyes turned towards the Taj, the resting place of his beloved
wife.

The most unpretentious but exquisite building inside the fort is the Moti
Masjid or 'Pearl Mosque.' It was built in seven years (1645-1653) at a cost
of three hundred thousand rupees. It is an instance of supreme perfection of
art combined with simplicity. The material used is white marble without any
pietra dura elaboration to mar the sublimity of the 'house of God.'

Outside the fort on the north-west stands the ]ami' Masjid built by Jahan
ArA Begum, the eldest daughter of Shahjahan.  It was completed after five
years of work in 1648, and cost five hundred thousand rupees.  It is a fine
structure of bold design, excellent finish and magnificent proportions. IS

But the crowning beauty of Agra is the TAj, perhaps one of the most
beautiful buildings in the world. Havell calls it India's Venus de Milo, and
remarks that it is a[n] ideal conception which belongs more to sculpture
than to architecture.  It is impossible to convey an idea of its extreme
delicacy, its architectural grandeur, and of the perfect ta&te and skill of
the men who built it.  Its pure white marble, its artistic bulbous domes,
its beautifully carved screens, its chaste inlay work, defy description.


Though there is a great unanimity among writers in the estimate of the
beauty of the Taj, their opinions as to its origin and style differ
widely. Sleeman in his 'Rambles and Recollections' makes the fantastic
suggestion of its having been designed by a French engineer -- Austin de
Bourdeaux, and by a ridiculous stretch of imagination identifies him with
Ustad 'Isa.  But the suggestion is not confirmed by historical evidence.
V. Smith, relying upon the testimony of Manrique, attributes the origin of
the design to Germino Vironeo, a view which is rejected by Sir John
Marshall and E. B. Havell on grounds of faulty historical evidence, and the
internal proof of style provided by the building itself.

So, who designed the Taj?

[However, at no point does Saksena attempt to resolve this issue and name
an architect for the Taj.  Partly this was because the work on this set of
documents would appear only after Saksena's work [the first citation may be
M. Abdullah Chaghtai, "A Family of Great Mughal Architects," Islamic
Culture, xi, 1937, 200-09.]

Current historiography assigns the principal work to Ustad Ahmad Lahauri,
who would later design the red fort.  Catherine Asher in her Architecture
of Mughal India (New Cambridge History, v.I.4), has this to say:

	Some of the numerous artists who worked on the Taj Mahal are known
	from contemporary sources. Makramat Khan, later associated with the
	supervision of Shahjahanabad, and 'Abd al-Karim, a master architect
	in Jahangir's reign and subsequently responsible for the Shah Burj in
	the Lahore fort completed in 1631-32, supervised the project. Amanat
	Khan was the chief calligrapher. No architect's name is recorded in
	the contemporary chronicles; however, a work by the poet Lutf Allah
	identifies the poet's father, Ustad Ahmad, later Shahjahanabad's
	architect, as the designer of Mumtaz Mahal's tomb. Shah Jahan
	himself doubtless played a major role in the design and execution of
	this tomb, as he did in his other architectural enterprises. Possibly
	the emperor's active role in design explains why Ustad Ahmad's name
	is omitted in the official chronicle written by Lahauri.  p. 212
]


Here are some recent news items relating to the Veroneo legend, which
continues to rise like a phoenix in europe.

Mystery of Italian ‘designer’ hanged in Lahore

	from Dawn.com
	Apr 10, 2011

In the small ancient Christian graveyard behind the famous Ewing Hall at Nila
Gumbad, where also lie buried many European indigo planters of the Mughal
era, is a lonely grave to one side. The cemetery keeper claims that he had
heard from his elders that the unmarked grave was of a man who was executed
after he ‘designed’ the Taj Mahal.

It was an amazing assertion, but one that stuck in my mind. Recently while
reading a research paper by an Italian scholar on sub-continental
architecture I came across the claim that the “real architect” of the Taj
Mahal was Geronimo Veroneo, the Venetian designer who was executed in Lahore
in 1640 after he was imprisoned by Mughal emperor Shah Jahan in the Lahore
Fort. The assertion was, incorrect that it turned out to be, that he was
executed after allegedly completing his work.

...the Taj Mahal was designed in Lahore by a famous son of the city, Ustad
Ahmed Lahori, whose ancestors include the famous artist Chughtai, this
mystery should be explored. There is no doubt that the initial drawings of
the Taj Mahal were made in Lahore by Ustad Ahmed, also known as Ustad Ahmed
Lahori. He worked in a house just next to the Old Kotwali near the Wazir Khan
mosque inside Delhi Gate. He was assisted, as an equal, by a renowned Turkish
architect named Ismail Effendi, who designed the domes and hemispheres only.

Once this was completed, Ustad Ahmed called upon his friend Qazim Khan, also
of Lahore and who lived in Taxali, to design the gold finial that were to top
the domes. It was, therefore, a joint effort by specialists. The final
drawings were then jointly completed by Ustad Isa, a Turk and a master
draftsman, and Ustad Ahmed Lahori.

[Ustad Isa in this characterization may be a fiction]

Just where does the Venetian Veroneo come in? A number of Italian researchers
in the late 19th century put forward the theory that the Taj Mahal was
actually, initially, designed by Geronimo Veroneo. This new theory is based
on a mention by Father Manrique, an Augustinian Friar, who came to Agra in
1640 A.D. to secure the release of Father Antony who had been imprisoned by
the Mughals. His diaries were published after his death in Lisbon, and in
them this suggestion was put forward that Veroneo designed the Taj Mahal, but
that the emperor passed on his drawing to Ustad Ahmed Lahori.

This assertion, it seems, is based on his meeting with Father Joseph de
Castro, the executor of Veroneo, who also died in Lahore in 1640, and it was
Castro who told him about "the Venetian by the name Geronimo Veroneo, who
came in the Portuguese ships, and was executed by him in the city of Lahore
...".

It is clear that Father Manrique never met Veroneo, and that he reached
Lahore after Veroneo had been executed by Father Castro, and it was Father
Castro, it seems, who informed Manrique that before his execution Veroneo
told him that the cause of his ‘death sentence’ by Shah Jahan was because he
had designed the Taj Mahal.

My research into this execution, which is based on an official court account,
has come up with another reason. Veroneo was a renowned goldsmith and
designer. He was involved in pilfering gold while designing jewellery for the
emperor’s family. He was also accused of stealing a number of precious gems,
including a huge diamond. All the jewels were recovered and he was
executed. However, the emperor made sure that a Christian executed the man,
and as the friar was in Lahore, he was ordered to carry out the sentence. The
official record says that he was buried two ‘kos’ from the city’s Lohari Gate
“near the road that turned towards Icharra”. That seems a pretty close
approximation of the Nila Gumbad graveyard.



-Geronimo Veroneo: the european legend--
		from http://www.italplanet.it/interna.asp?sez=303&info=9958

Emperor Moghul Shah Jahan had the grandiose funerary mosque built in 1632,
which took twenty-two years to complete with over twenty thousand workers,
many of them artisans from near and far, who were called upon in order to
render it unique.

Among these artists – in most cases coming from China and Persia – many were
Italian: the expertise of Florentine chisellers was most certainly employed,
in the task of decorating the magnificent white marble that the mosque is
built of. The most fascinating part is the work tradition sought out in
Geronimo Veroneo as author of this extraordinary structure. According to
various testimonies it appears that artist and talented jewellery maker,
Geronimo Veroneo reached India and Agra on a Portuguese boat in 1640, the
area in northern India where the Taj Mahal rises.

The story as told by one of his contemporaries, Father Manriquez in his
Itinerario de las missiones orientales recounts that Veroneo was summoned by
the emperor himself, who showed him his proposal to erect a grandiose tomb
in memory of his dearly departed, asking him to carry out the project. "The
architect Veroneo – as can be read in the book – followed up on this request
and in a few short days gave proof of the great artistic ability he
possessed by presenting different models of the most beautiful
architecture".

This small testimony most certainly doesn't offer solid, indisputable proof
that Veroneo had a role in the construction of the Taj Mahal, but the legend
alone – if legend it is indeed – shows, once again, how Italian skill and
ingenuity is admired, even in geographic and cultural locations far away
from us, yesterday just like today.

[see Also : Jamila Gavin's novel for young children, The Bloodstone, 
set against the life of Veroneo]

---
from http://www.agraindia.org.uk/taj-mahal/architect-of-the-taj.html

There has been a long ongoing controversy about the name of the chief
architect of the Taj Mahal, the pinnacle of architectural
perfection. Veroneo and Ustad Isa Afandi are the chief contestants proposed
for the credit. According to the Spanish monk, Father Sebastian Manrique,
Venetian Geronimo Veroneo, the famous jeweler was the chief
architect. Veroneo is known to have lived in Agra for many years and died at
Lahore in 1640.

We now come to the popular myth that Ustad Ahmed Lahori was mistreated by
the emperor once the masterpiece was completed. This has no basis in
fact. The family record states that he dies a normal death. The myth is that
the emperor got the architect blinded and had his hands cut off so that he
could never again design a masterpiece to rival the Taj. The reality is that
Ustad Ahmad returned to Lahore, where his sons set up a flourishing
construction business. He died a much respected man. He is also credited with
having designed the Red Fort of Delhi. 

---
Italy's Most Wanted: The Top 10 Book of Roman Ruins, Wonderful Wines...
By Luciano Mangiafico

Veroneo: may have been the architect of the Taj Mahal.

Shah Jehan had a number of Italian craftsmen working in Agra, teaching his
workers the art of inlaying marble with precious stones.


also see: http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-features/tp-metroplus/for-the-love-of-the-taj/article3197435.ece

---
--Dihli red fort (Shahjahanabad)-- 

The Dihli palace is one harmonious structure built at one time and on one
uniform plan. ... It stands in marked contraet to Akbar's palace at Fatehpur
Sikri. The one is the model of masculine vigour, the other of feminine
over-elaboration. But both have charms of their own. The Dihli palace is the
only one in India which enables us to understand what the arrangements of a
complete palace were when deliberately undertaken, and carried out on an
uniform plan.

The principal entrance or Lahauri gate on the west faces the
Chandni Chauk, a noble wide street. This gate is connected
with a large vaulted hall which opens inward into a courtyard.
Across it is the Naubat KhAna facing the Divan-i-'Am, more
magnificent than its sister building at Agra.  In the northern
division of the palace is the celebrated Divan-i-khAs,..  Qf all
the buildings of Shahjahan's reign it is the most richly
ornamented.  ... It lacks the simplictty of the TAj,
but it was not conceived in the same spirit. It aims at depicting
the grandeur of Shahjahan at its height, and as such is a
complete success. The appropriate lines of Amir Khusrav
express the idea of the building splendidly :

	Verily if there is Heaven on Earth,
	It is here, it is here, it is here.

Outside the Dihli fort stands on a high pedestal the ]ami'
Masjid, whtch is conceived and built in a style which stands
1n direct contrast to that of the Moti Masjid. It breathes the
same spirit as the palace which it overlooks. It was meant to
be a royal mosque, and it impresses the people as such. It is
built of red sandstone, and is thus in complete harmony with
the outer walls of the fort. It has two marble minarets.

Although ShAhjahAn's main interest lay in the development of architecture,
he continued the traditions of his father in painting. The school of
painting was now supervised by Md. Faqirullah Khan, who was assisted by Mir
Hashim, an excellent portrait painter.
[Percy Brown : lndian Painting under the Maghuls, p. 92]
Besides the Emperor, other prominent patrons of the art of
painting, at court were Asaf Khan and Prince Dara Shikoh,
whose album of 40 mimatures is still extant and gives an idea
of the art of that period.

In [terms of technique in] art several changes are noticeable.  Firstly,
lack of original vigour and spontaneity.  Although manual dexterity is
apparently retained, but little effort is made to vary the design or
conception.  In other words, there is more of imitation than of original
production.  Secondly, a strange desire for fantastic and grotesque is
apparent.  This was probably in order to conceal the lack of originality.
Thirdly, the introduction of a rich border line without which no portrait in
this period was considered to be complete. Sometimes these borders have rich
floral designs, but at others small figures of birds or animals are
introduced. Fourthly, there is a marked tendency to over-elaboration both in
detail and in colouring.  There is an extravagant use of gold, and thus in
their display of brilliance the pictures are an echo of the contemporary
architecture.

Other arts under Shahjahan : Calligraphy

The allied art of calligraphy was also assiduously cultivated.  A
calligraphist was as much honoured as a painter, Some of the beautiful
manuscripts of the period show how technical the art was. For the
illumination of manuscripts the skill of a calligraphist was as much in
demand as that of a painter...

Md. Murad Shirin Qalam was the leading calligraphist.  AqA Rashida a pupil of
Mir ImAm, was an expett in drawing the circles of letters. Mir SAlih and
Md. Momin, sons of Mir 'Abdullah Mushkin Qalam, were other gifted
calligraphists, who were also poets. SAlih composed both in Persian and
Hindi, and Momin only in Persian.

SAlih, ff. 533-34 (Add 6557); Chandra BhAn gives the foUowing
other names of calligraphits : YAqut, Sarfi, MullA Mir 'Ali, SultAnn 'All,
Mir 'lmiid, Mulla Darviah, Md. Khan, Md. Husain.