Kothari, Rajni;
Caste in Indian Politics
Orient Longman Delhi, 1973, 361 pages
ISBN 8125006370, 9788125006374
topics: | india | politics | social | caste |
A classic collection edited by Rajni Kothari, much of which remains relevant in the Indian political scenario four decades since its compilation.
The work covers details of caste movements in Gujarat and Tamilnadu, both from a historical and a theoretical perspective. It also considers caste political movements in Rajasthan, Andhra, and also in urban areas of Pune and Agra.
In his introduction, Kothari posits the role of politics as a system that attempts to build on existing organisational forms in society, and clearly caste has been an important social structure across India. Also, in order to gain legitimacy, political change in a democratic society
can proceed only by a conversation between the old and the new, a fusion of elements, and a readiness on the part of both the moderns and the ancients to be flexible and accommodative. Thus, the claim by some modernist "doctrinaires" that the forces of caste should disappear in a democracy, are ridiculed. Modernisation is a continuum, and the old persists with the new until proved redundant.
Though there is widespread awareness of the role of caste, personally, I never felt that I or any of my social circle were much influenced by our caste. As a bengali brahmin, caste played a relatively minor role in life as I saw it. I was quite sure that caste played little role in the political preferences of my friends and family (except for some hindutva leaning in some). Casteism is something that happened to others. Reading this work, I realize that our caste (and general social stratum) affects us in many subtle ways, and its reflection in politics, especially among higher caste groups, is often aimplicit. Thus, the caste identity in politics is more articulated among the lower caste groups, though it is present in all. Here is Rosenthal (ch.10): Thus in Agra the Jatavs (Chamars) dominated the local unit of the Republican Party of India (RPI) and seemed to treat it as an extension of the caste. Similarly in Poona the RPI was dominated by the Mahars, another Scheduled Caste group. Aside from members of the RPI, only two persons in Poona indicated that their candidates were the result of specific caste actions although many spoke of their victories as results of substantial caste support. p.325 An useful definition thrown up (for me, at least) is: [politics is] identifying and manipulating existing and emerging allegiances in order to mobilise and consolidate positions. p.4 I believe this definition is true at many levels.
The prevailing dichotomy between tradition and modernity has created a curious cognitive hiatus - in ideological thinking as well as in much of social science theorising - between society on the one hand and polity on the other.
By drawing the caste system into its web of organisation, politics finds material for its articulation and moulds it into its own design.
The former [society] is conceived, as if by definition, as 'traditional'ยท, the latter [polity] as 'modern' and 'developmental'. In reality, however, this is a false approach to the phenomenon of modernisation; it is especially misleading when the phenomenon takes place in the context of democratic politics.
Political and developmental institutions do not anywhere function in a vacuum. They tend, of necessity, to find bases in society either through existing organisational forms...
The doctrinaire orientation of much recent thinking on development in India and in the West has produced an unhelpful dichotomy in conceptualisation that stands in the way of a realistic appraisal of the development process. Fortunately, however, the processes of social change transcend the inhibitions of intellectuals and social scientists. This is especially true in an open and competitive polity. India was perhaps particularly fortunate in starting with a social system that had traditionally been flexible and capable of absorbing large shifts in the balance of social and political arrangements. It was further fortunate in having adopted a political framework which, among other things, involved a free expression of interests, made competition the great medium of change through adaptation and integration, and thus avoided sharp discontinuities and disruption in the process of political modernisation.
Everyone recognises that the traditional social system in India was organised around caste structures and caste identities. In dealing with the relationship between caste and politics, however, the doctrinaire moderniser suffers from a serious xenophobia. He begins with the question: is caste disappearing? Now, surely, no social system disappears like that. A more useful point of departure would be: what form is caste taking under the impact of modem politics, and what form is politics taking in a caste-oriented society? Those in India who complain of 'casteism in politics' are really looking for a sort of politics which has no basis in society. They also probably lack any clear conception of either the nature of politics or the nature of the caste system.'(Many of them would want to throw out both politics and the caste system.) Politics is a competitive enterprise, its purpose is the acquisition of power for the realisation of certain goals, and its process is one of identifying and manipulating existing and emerging allegiances in order to mobilise and consolidate positions. The important thing is organisation and articulation of support, and where politics is mass-based the point is to articulate support through the organisations in which the masses are to be found.
It follows that where the caste structure provides one of the principal organisational clusters along which the bulk of the population is found to live, politics must strive to organise through such a structure. The alleged 'casteism in politics' is thus no more and no less than politicisation of caste. It is something in which both the forms of caste and the forms of politics are brought nearer each other, in the process changing both. By drawing the caste system into its web of organisation, politics finds material for its articulation and moulds it into its own design. In making politics their sphere of activity, caste and kin groups on the other hand, get a chance to assert their identity and to strive for positions. Drawing upon both the interacting structures are the real actors, the new contestants for power. Politicians mobilise caste groupings and identities in order to organise their power. They find in it an extremely well articulated and flexible basis for organisation, something that may have been structured in terms of a status hierarchy, but something that is also available for political manipulation -- and one that has a basis in consciousness. Where there are other types of groups and other bases of association, politicians approach them as well. And as they everywhere change the form of such organisations, they change the form of caste as well.
--Part One 1. Introduction: caste in Indian politics 3 Rajni Kothari
2. Learning the use of political means: The Mahars of Maharashtra 27 Eleanor Zelliot 3. Federating for political interests: the Kshatriyas of Gujarat 66 Rajni Kothari and Rushikesh Maru 4. Political and primordial solidarity: the Nadars of Tamilnad 96 Robert L. Hardgrave, Jr. 5. Caste and faction among the dominant caste: the Reddis and Kammas of Andhra 121 Carolyn M. Elliot.
6. Caste and political factions in Rajasthan 165 Richard Sisson 7. Caste and political recruitment in Bihar 215 Ramashray Roy 8. Caste and political group formation in Tamilnad 245 Andre Beteille 9. Caste and political mobilisation in a Gujarat district 283 Anil Bhatt 10. Caste and political participation in two cities 323 Donald B. Rosenthal Index 353 ---author bio One of India's most remarkable intellectuals. Rajni Kothari has radically changed the contours of the discipline of political science. Pushing political analysis beyond the traditional format, he has given his readers some path-breaking and seminal work -- work that has allowed Indian political science to come of age. He pioneered a movement to move the discipline away from mere intellectual formulations to a live, active intervention in the politics of democracy and an understanding of its role in Indian society.
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