Jalal, Ayesha;
Partisans of Allah: Jihad in South Asia
Harvard University Press, 2008, 373 pages
ISBN 0674028015, 9780674028012
topics: | history | philosophy | islam | religion
Much of the book focuses on a battle at Balakot in which Sayyid Ahmad of Rai Bareilly (1786–1831) and Shah Ismail (1779–1831), quintessential Islamic warriors in South Asian Muslim consciousness, were killed in a battle against the Sikhs on 6 May 1831. [This is] considered the only "real jihad" ever fought in the subcontinent. With the cry “Allahu Akbar” (“God is Great”) on his lips, Sayyid Ahmad had charged out of the mosque where he had said his final prayers, and then bravely faced death on the battlefield.
The original meaning of jihad in the Quran is related to the struggle to be human: Alas, not all things in life are easy; Even man struggles to be human. [ghalib] The word jihad is derived etymologically from the Arabic root meaning to strive against an undesirable opponent — an external enemy, Satan, or the base inner self. Pre-Islamic Arab society interpreted it as any endeavor in the service of a worthy cause; other words were more commonly used for warfare (qital or harb). The opening sentence of the Prophet’s agreement with the different tribes and religious communities of Medina after the migration (hijrat) from Mecca mentions jahada as striving for the collective well-being of the whole community consisting of believers and nonbelievers. Semantically, jahada cannot be interpreted as armed struggle, much less holy war, without twisting its Quranic meaning. The only form of jahada mentioned in the Quran as legitimate armed struggle is jihad fi sabil allah— that is, jihad in the way of God. But even verses employing that term are typically followed by exhortations to patience in adversity and leniency in strength, the essence of being of gentle disposition. If the Quran does not lend itself well to the notion of jihad as holy war, and far less to the idea of continuous warfare against infidels, how did the discrepancy between the text and the later, legally based interpretations of the concept arise? In the first century of Islam, the extremist Kharajite sect defined jihad as legitimate violence against the enemies of Islam, both internal and external, and declared it a pillar of the faith. In the Kharajite view, Muslims deviating from the Quran and practice as prescribed by the Prophet could not remain part of the community. A jihad had to be waged against nonbelievers and those associating other beings with God. Such a radical solution to the problem of true faith met with stiff resistance from those who later assumed the mantle of Sunni orthodoxy. The Kharajites were roundly rejected and none of the early Muslim legal schools endorsed their position. 7-8 What had given Islamic law its distinctive character and dynamism during the lifetimes of the Prophet and the first four caliphs was precisely the incorporation of ethical motivations into legal norms based on interpretations of the revelation. The need for an ideology to legitimate the wars of conquest fought by the Umayyad (661–750) and Abbasid (750–1258) dynasties induced Muslim legists to define jihad as armed struggle and to divorce law from ethics. Classical juridical texts skirted around the moral and spiritual meanings of jihad to concentrate on the material facets of warfare—the division of spoils, the treatment of non-Muslims, and the rules of conduct for the Muslim army. Such stipulations were matched by the invention of traditions (hadith) extolling jihad as armed struggle. 9
A spate of conquests by Muslim warlords from the beginning of the second millennium on is often described as the “coming of Islam to India.” ... Islam in South Asia, far from being a signed and sealed product exported from West Asia, was fashioned by the Indian environment. Muslim rulers’ recourse to an ideology of jihad for purposes of legitimacy was counterbalanced by the practical need to govern non-Muslim subjects. Despite the demographics, India under Muslim rule was considered a Dar-ul-Islam (an abode of peace). According to the jurists, jihad could only be waged against a Dar-ul-Harb (an abode of war). 21 The commentary of two Hanafi scholars—Abu Yusuf and Muhammad ash- Shaybani—on the twelfth-century Central Asian jurist Ali ibn Abi Bakr Marginani’s Al-Hedaya provided the blueprint for Islamic jurisprudence in the subcontinent. Islamic legal theory does not recognize custom as an independent source of law. In the absence of textual sources, Al-Hedaya accorded customary practices a role in legal theory, thereby facilitating the adaptation of Islamic principles to preexisting social customs in newly conquered territories. Hanafi law marks the triumph of the material over the spiritual in Islamic law. Ownership of property was the defining feature of the legal personality, or zimma, defined as an individual who can claim rights and incur obligations. From zamm, “to blame,” zimma means the capacity to incur contractual obligation and resembles aman, in that it guarantees the security of life and property. The Islamic concept of zimmi, a non-Muslim granted peace by a Muslim authority, was a substantial improvement over slavery. Zimmis were given equal legal status if they were owners of property. As a human being, a slave is a legal person. But as the property of other people, a slave cannot own property and is therefore not a full legal person. Without erasing all differences between Muslims and non-Muslims, discrimination in matters to do with religion did not extend to the secular sphere of socioeconomic interactions. A succession of Muslim writers commenting on Mahmud of Ghazni’s raids into India between 997 and 1030 defined it as a jihad against kafirs. A kafir is one who denies the truth of the one and only God. Its transference to entire groups of people, by blurring the distinction between the temporal and the sacred, fuels the belief that Muslims are enjoined by their religion to subjugate, convert, or, failing that, kill infidels. Like all half-truths, this charge has resonated in inverse proportion to its historical credibility. Muslim warlords no doubt had a sense of their religious identity and sought legitimacy in Islamic law whenever it suited their purpose. But when temporal necessity proved incompatible with sacred law, Muslim warlords and dynasts had no qualms about skirting around the injunctions of the sharia. Throughout the long period of Muslim rule in the subcontinent, the sharia remained subordinate to the laws decreed by temporal rulers, displaying varying degrees of faith and piety. A closer analysis of the historical evolution of the sharia in South Asia, however, militates against a clear-cut separation of the religious and the secular. With the dissociation of ethics from law after the third century of Islam, the content of the sharia, if not its form, was subject to secularization through constant interpretation and change. Hanafi fiqh became the dominant school of jurisprudence in the subcontinent as early as the reign of Qutb-ud-din Aibek. All manner of court cases were decided by judges (qazis), however, using the principle of equity (itisihan) to privilege customary laws (urf) over the sharia. Known as qanun-i-shahi or zawabit, these contained both religious and secular elements and applied to both Muslims and non-Muslims in varying measure. A preoccupation with external conformity to Islam, understandable in a context where many of the faithful were new converts, is borne out by legal rulings on waging jihad and the extension of peace (aman). Since jihad can be waged only against a non-Muslim who refuses to accept Islam or pay the jizya, the jurists spilled considerable ink arguing over when an infidel’s conversion was legitimate. Their rulings betray a concern with drawing community boundaries. There is a striking lack of concern with the soundness of faith (iman) or the performance of virtuous actions (ihsan) on the part of the new adherents. A non-Muslim who declares himself a Muslim is not considered one unless he publicly renounces his earlier faith. If he changes his mind, he will be killed, even if he recites the first part of the Islamic creed: “There is no God but God.” In the event that the new convert does not recant publicly but says his prayers with the Muslim congregation, he will be considered a Muslim. The jurists disagreed whether a new convert who says his prayers in private can be deemed a Muslim. Abu Hanifa thought that private prayers were insufficient to bring the new convert into the Muslim fold... Under the norms of Muslim rule, absolute sovereignty was vested in Allah. As his vice-regent — or the “shadow of God on earth” — the ruler had ultimate responsibility to Allah, which served as a check on the ruler’s secular role as lord and master of his subjects. The administration of law and order, intrinsic to legitimacy, was vital to fulfilling that responsibility, given the Quranic emphasis on justice and equity, or adl. 26 long before Akbar’s religious policy of peace for all and his great grandson Dara Shikoh’s exertions to assimilate Sufism and Hindu mysticism, Sufis studying the Advaita Vedanta found it entirely compatible with Islam.[51] p.40 50. Rizvi, Muslim Revivalist Movements, p. 255. 51. Ibid., pp. 59–60. Also see Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, 2:413–424. Shah Waliullah (1703–1762), credited with explicating the most systematic theory of jihad in South Asia... Aurangzeb’s imposition of Hanafi law made a mockery of the administration of justice. Zealous attempts by the department of accountability (ihtisab) to act as a moral police encroached on similar duties previously assigned to Muslim law officers. The accountability department’s agenda for establishing Islamic morality was the prohibition of consumption of wine and cannabis (bhang), destruction of temples, and supervision of weights and measures in the market. It failed to eradicate the smoking of cannabis—even the muezzins of Delhi mosques allegedly smoked it. The department tried compensating by enforcing prescribed lengths for trousers and beards, making a laughing stock of its officials and further undermining its own credibility. Instead of spreading morality, the promotion of sharia laws allowed criminals and corrupt revenue officials to expiate their crimes by embracing Islam. Unscrupulous debtors sought refuge in Islam to evade creditors, by accusing them of reviling the Prophet. The result was complete degeneracy and, worse still, utter disarray and confusion in the administration of justice. A firm believer in the Islamic principles of justice (adl) and balance (tawazun), Waliullah tried revitalizing Sunni orthodoxy with a frontal attack on the spread of polytheistic and heretic practices among Indian Muslims. Valuing action above intellectual insight, he stressed the external over the internal dimensions of Muslim identity and called for renewed interest in jihad as armed struggle.
List of Maps ix Preface xi 1 Jihad as Ethics, Jihad as War 1 2 Jihad in Precolonial South Asia 20 3 The Martyrs of Balakot 58 4 Jihad in Colonial India 114 5 Jihad as Anticolonial Nationalism 176 6 Islam Subverted? Jihad as Terrorism 239 Conclusion 302 Glossary 317 Notes 321 Index 357
Lashkar-i-Tayyiba Army of the Righteous adab culture; correct social behavior adl justice akhlaq ethics alim religious scholar amal-i-salah correct deeds aman peace; protection amir-ul-momineen leader of the faithful aqida religious belief aql reason baqa salvation bidat innovation Dar-ul-Aman abode of peace Dar-ul-Harb abode of war Dar-ul-Islam abode of peace dawah propagation of faith dawla government din Islamic notion of religion as an all-encompassing way of life duniya world fana annihilation farz duty fiqh Islamic jurisprudence fitna social discord; sedition fitrat original nature fuqaha legists futawa chivalry ghair muqallid one who does not adhere to any school of jurisprudence ghazi warrior of the faith hadith tradition haq (pl. haqiqah) truth harb warfare hijrat migration hijri Islamic calendar dating from the migration of the community to Medina hud (pl. hudood) limits huquq al-abad private rights of individuals huquq al-allah rights of God ibadat worship ihsan virtuous action ihtisab accountability ijma consensus of the community ijtihad independent reasoning ilm knowledge iman faith insaniyat humanity irtifaqat different stages of civilization irtiqadat religious consciousness ishq love; intuition islam peace; submission itisihan equity jahaliya [literally] ignorance; term used for pre-Islamic Arabia jihad struggle jihad al-akbar the greater jihad jihad al-asghar the lesser jihad jihad fi sabil allah jihad in the way of Allah jihd-o-jihad exertion in a positive endeavor jizya poll tax kafir infidel kalima Muslim confessional khairaj tax on newly converted Muslims khalifa temporal and spiritual leader of Muslims, caliph khanqa Sufi shrine khilafat institutionalized spiritual and temporal authority over the Muslim community; caliphate khudi self kufr infidelity khutba religious sermon maktab religious school maulana learned man maulvi title given to Muslim religious preacher mazhab religion millat religious community miraj Prophet Muhammad’s ascension to the heavens momin a true believer muamalat social relations muharram Shia festival of mourning to commemorate the martyrdom of Husain at Karbala mujaddid renewer of the faith mujtahid one who has legal training to exercise independent reasoning mustamin non-Muslims protected under Muslim rule nechari naturalist; one who reduces religion to worldly matters pir spiritual guide qanun-i-shahi secular law qawwali a genre of Sufi devotional music qazi judge qisas just retaliation qital fighting qutb pole, axis; spiritual medium through whom God and the Prophet Muhammad communicate shaheed martyr shirk polytheism shuhudi adherent of the principle of wahdut al-shuhud tanzih God’s transcendence taqlid blind imitation tariqah correct path tashbih God’s likeness in created beings tawazun balance tawba repentance tawhid Islamic principle of the unity of creation tazir civil punishment(s) not specified in the Quran taziya consolation; Shia passion play(s) during muharram tehzib culture ummah/ummat worldwide community of Muslims urf customary law ushr tithe, tax on one-tenth of the proceeds from the land wahdut al-shuhud unity of appearances wahdut al-wujud unity of creation wujudis adherents of the principle of wahdut al-wujud zakat Muslim alms tax zawabit secular law zimmi protected non-Muslims living under Muslim rule zina adultery