Hiranandani, G. M.;
Transition to Triumph: History of the Indian Navy, 1965-1975
Lancer Publishers, 2000, 415 pages [gbook]
ISBN 1897829728, 9781897829721
topics: | history | military | india | modern
from the vantage point of the 21st century, most military history seems almost anachronistic. conventional warfare seems a distant possibility for most developed nations today - in some sense, even a country like israel does not have normal wars any more... and yet it is india's fate that wars remain a reality for us.
for most armies, war is like an arcade games. you push buttons, you maneuver missiles in distant spaces, and you kill third-world nonentities, who are called "collateral".
perhaps reading this kind of book is an antidote to wars.
there is something medieval - rather gitA-esque - about two buddies, both with long careers in the british indian air force, trying to kill each others' friends in wholesale war.
after the 1965 war started with skirmishes at the rann of kutch, the air chief of pakistan asghar khan called up arjan singh to suggest that both sides keep their air forces out of the conflict so as to prevent escalation in the conflict. and they did.
it appears that asghar khan did this on his own, without talking to the other chiefs or to commander-in-chief Ayub Khan, and it may have been part of the reason why he was relieved from his post a few months later, when pakistani irregulars invaded kashmir in earnest. the image of fully-grown men maneuvering ships in choppy surf to land a force of gurkhas - each carrying 40 kg of battle-order armament - into a remote beach - surely there are better things one can do. what is impressive in this book, which recounts the 1965 and 1971 wars with pakistan, is the direct voices of the participants, which does much to bring you into the heart of the action.
This is the the third volume in the navy's official (declassified) history, following up on: 1. Under Two Ensigns, Rear Adm. Satyindra Singh (1945-1950) 2. Blueprint to Bluewater, Rear Adm. Satyindra Singh (1951-1965) Subsequently, three further volumes were written by Vice Admiral G.M. Hiranandani: 3. Transition to Triumph: History of the Indian Navy, 1965-1975 4. Transition to Eminence: The Indian Navy 1976-1990 5. Transition to Guardianship: The Indian Navy 1991–2000 This volume starts with WW2, and goes on to describe the 1965 war, which saw an aggressive plan comprising three major operations by Pakistan. Surprisingly, Indian intelligence had no inkling about these operations until they were launched. There was limited involvement of the Navy, however. The most interesting parts in the text are during the 1971 war, during which India scored a number of successes including a missile attack on Karachi, and blockade of the East Pakistan ports.
An attempt to land an amphibious force at at Ukhia near Cox's Bazar resulted in an embarrassing failure, with several Gurkha soldiers drowned because the "landing" (which was taking place with loud music and fanfare) had been delayed by two hours from plan - so the tide wasn't as low, and the path to shore lay through waters to deep to walk through. One of two landing vessels with 600 troops got broached to, (broadside to the waves) and was within a whisker of being sunk by the buffeting of the shore waves. Fortunately, the Pakistan forces had surrendered in the meanwhile so there was no shore resistance. The lead naval officer himself swam ashore and commandeered some local boats from the mukti bAhini to offload the troops directly at Cox's Bazar. What is impressive - by Indian terms - is how this debacle is dealt with great honesty and at length. Perhaps this has to do with the widespread misperceptions of this episode - e.g. the narrative of this event in Conboy and Hannon's Elite Forces of India and Pakistan does not mention the fact that the late arrival of the troop carriers resulted in the landing being attempted two hours past the low tide, which is claimed in this text as one of the main reasons for the fiasco. The title "Transition to triumph" refers to the successes of the Navy and its increased confidence after the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war, when the Indian Navy went on the offensive to achieve maritime dominance. Particularly on the Eastern theater, the sustained aircraft carrier (Vikrant) operations against ports and hostile shipping were very effective.
Hiranandani (retired Vice Admiral) writes in an energetic style, but most of his work is in selecting fragments from various narratives penned by the key participants, whose own voices are the most powerful direct commentary on the events. Occasionally of course, these perspectives differ somewhat, but the reader is usually able to disambiguate the situation. Thus, while the text is eminently readable and certainly holds interest, the prose does not flow quite as easily as it might under the highest level of historical writing as in the work of John Keegan, say (e.g. The Face of Battle). But that is hardly to be expected in what is, in essence, a compilation of first-hand narratives.
[the first chapter, "1 The Growth of The Navy Till 1965", opens with a short section on proposals by committees during the late british era].
during the WW2, the Royal Indian Navy (RIN) saw a phenomenal expansion. In September 1939, when the Second World War started, the Royal Indian Navy had only five sloops, one trawler, one survey ship and one patrol craft. It had 114 officers and 1732 ratings, [eighty percent of whom were from Punjab and Konkan - abt 75% Muslim and 9% Hindu. ] At the end of the war, the Navy had seven sloops, four anti submarine frigates, eight corvettes, fourteen minesweepers, sixteen trawlers, one survey ship, two depot ships, thirty auxiliary vessels, one hundred and fifty landing craft, two hundred harbour craft and forty five harbour defence launches. The number of personnel had risen to 3014 officers and 27,433 ratings, most of whom served in shore establishments. Recruiting pattern: large increase from the Madras and Bengal Presidencies and a steep decline. The intake of Hindus had risen to forty two percent and that of Muslims had fallen to thirty five percent. Several new naval base establishments and training establishments had come up all along the West and East coasts After partition in August 1947, the RIN comprised: - Four Sloops (KISTNA, CAUVERY, JUMNA, SUTLEJ), - Two frigates (KUKRI, TIR) - One Corvette (ASSAM)... [It is not clear what happened to the 3, 4, and 7 other vessels present in 1945. Were these transferred to Britain, or were they just unserviceable?]
The 1965 war saw an aggressive plan comprising three major operations by Pakistan. There was limited involvement of the Navy, however. At the time, Nehru had died the last year, and Lal Bahadur Shastri was the Prime Minister. Defence Minister was Y B Chavan, and Swaran Singh served as Foreign Minister. In the armed forces, we had General J N Chaudhuri as Chief of Army Staff, with Vice Admiral B S Soman heading the navy and Air Marshal Arjan Singh at the helm of the air Force. Rear Admiral BA Samson Flag Officer Commanding Indian Fleet (FOCIF).
The picture that emerges from published Pakistani sources and memoirs is of an aggressive plan comprising three major operations: a) Operation Desert Hawk: an attack on the Rann of Kutch in early 1965. Kutch would be claimed on the grounds that Sind province used to exercise administrative control over the area. The objective would be to draw the main Indian forces towards the Rann, so as to leave Punjab and Kashmir vulnerable. b) Operation Gibraltar: Here an attack was to be launched on Kashmir by 30,000 men with regular troops of the "Azad Kashmir Army" - a part of the Pakistan Army, along with Mujahid (volunteers for a jehad) and Razakar (defenders of the faith) irregulars. Commencing in August 1965, a few months after Desert Hawk, infiltrators would penetrate sixty locations throughout Kashmir and initiate widespread arson, destroying bridges etc. Eventually, it would be announced on radio that the people of Kashmir had risen in revolt, leading to the formation of a National Government. All the while, the Pakistan Government would deny any infiltration. c) Operation Grand Slam. This would be a large scale attack into the Chamb area in order to capture Akhnoor and cut India's only road link with Kashmir. The Army would launch a massive attack with Patton tanks on Punjab to capture Amritsar and as much Indian territory as possible for eventual exchange after the cease fire. The response from the Indian side was mired in political and systemic indecision. There was a strong desire to avoid escalation.
The Rann of Kutch is a marshy area about 300 miles long and 50 miles wide on the western seaboard of India. The incident started in January 1965 with Pakistan claiming the entire Rann of Kutch on the grounds that Sind, one of Pakistan's provinces, used to exercise administrative control over the area during the British period. This was one of the many undemarcated areas pending since partition in 1947. Pakistan was keen to have at least the northern portion of the Rann, which it had earmarked for offshore drilling with the help of an American oil company. India asserted that Kanjarkot, Chadbet and Biarbet, which Pakistan claimed, belonged to India and not to Pakistan. Operation Desert Hawk started with skirmishes between Indian police patrols and Pakistani border guards about an eighteen mile track, a mile and a half inside Indian territory where Pakistani forces established two posts. By early April, the fighting had spread to within 10 miles of the fort at Kanjarkot. On 9 April, Pakistan forces in brigade strength attacked the Central Reserve Police manned Sardar post near the old ruined fort of Kanjarkot. The CRPF contingent was forced to withdraw. The task of sanitising the area was then taken over by the Army. The Indian Army asked the Pakistan Army to vacate Kanjarkot. The Pakistan Army refused. On 16 April, Pakistan claimed Kanjarkot to be Pakistan territory. On 24 April, Pakistan launched a division size attack, using Patton tanks and field guns. The attack was contained with considerable casualties on both sides. When the incident had started, the British Prime Minister initiated moves to secure a cease-fire. During the Commonwealth Heads of Government conference in London, he succeeded in his efforts. A simple cease fire was declared on 29 April. On 15 June fighting erupted again. On 30 June, a formal cease fire was signed in London restoring India's police control over the disputed areas while allowing the Pakistan police the use of the disputed track. Both the national and the international press commented adversely on the performance of the Indian troops. Though the Army did nor fare as badly as Pakistan claimed, Pakistan did make local gains. Logistics favoured Pakistan. It had an airfield at Badin where it had deployed F 86 Sabre fighter aircraft. And Pakistan had deployed its Army in force - an infantry division and two regiments of tanks, including the Patton tanks recently received from America. India protested to America against the use of these American supplied arms and America protested to Pakistan. Nothing much happened.
Mr C P Srivastava's memoirs state: (ibid Page 199) Why was air power not deployed in the Rann of Kutch conflict? Air Chief Marshal Arjan Singh told me the reason. He said that soon after the commencement of hostilities in the Rann of Kutch region, he received a telephone call from Air Marshal Asghar Khan, his counterpart in Pakistan, suggesting an informal agreement that neither side should employ the Air Force in the conflict. Arjan Singh himself agreed on the wisdom of this proposal but he confirmed the arrangement after receiving political clearance from the Defence Minister and the Prime Minister. Arjan Singh was also of the opinion that the Rann of Kutch was not a suitable area for large-scale operations by India". Here, an interesting aside is that asghar khan was a man of unreproachable integrity: When a local lad, who was in the air force, approached Asghar Khan’s father to gain a recommendation for a posting to a place of choice, Asghar Khan’s father knew who to approach. A retired brigadier, he called up President Ayub Khan to request Asghar Khan, his son, to comply with the request. Ayub Khan did, which Asghar Khan refused. The consequence: Asghar Khan stopped all communication with his father till a long time after. They don’t make them like that, anymore. - Vice Air Marshal (pak) Shahzad Chaudhry Nov 2012 http://tribune.com.pk/story/458840/the-military-military-divide/ Shastri was a man of peace and he was determined to go to the farthest extent possible, consistent with national security and honour, to maintain peace with Pakistan. Another consideration seems to have been Prime Minister Shastri's belief that it would be easier to make up with Pakistan, the people of which were of the same stock as Indians, than to make up with China. He was in favour of peace. And if war was forced upon India then, whilst reacting in whatever manner India thought fit, the conflict should be localised as far as possible.
It is clear from Pakistani published sources that in mid May, six weeks before signing the formal cease fire in London, President Ayub Khan was given a military presentation on Operation Gibraltar. During the presentation, at his behest, the assault on Akhnoor was included in Operation Grand Slam. He accorded approval for Operation Gibraltar to be launched. In end July, he addressed the Force Commanders of Operation Gibraltar. The first infiltration across the Cease Fire Line (CFL) started on 1 August over a 700 kilometer front from Kargil to Chhamb. The Indians as well as the local Kashmiris were taken by surprise. Operation Gibraltar commenced on 5 August. Sixty companies of Pakistani armed personnel in disguise, armed with modern weapons and explosives, infiltrated across the cease fire line to blow up strategic bridges, raid supply dumps, kill VIP's and cause arson. On 5 August itself, some infiltrators were apprehended. In his foreword to Air Marshal Asghar Khan's book `The First Round', Mr Altaf Gauhar, then Pakistan's Secretary of Information and Broadcasting states: (Page xii) The truth is that the first four volunteers who were captured by the Indians described the whole plan in a broadcast on All India Radio on 8 August 1965, nearly a month before India crossed the international boundary". On hearing these broadcasts, Pakistan realised that their secret plan was now open knowledge. Mr C P Srivastava's memoirs state: (Page 208) It was only on 8 August 1965 that more detailed information about extensive infiltration by armed men from Pakistan was provided to Prime Minister Shastri. He immediately summoned a meeting of the Emergency Committee of the Cabinet. The Chief of Army Staff attended this meeting. He assured the Prime Minister that the Army and the police were in control of the situation, the raiders were being rounded up but further sabotage could still occur by the raiders not yet captured. The Prime Minister asked the Chief of Army Staff to take whatever action he considered necessary to prevent new infiltrations. On 9 August, as per its pre-arranged plan, Pakistan announced a rebellion in Kashmir and the heroic exploits of the freedom fighters who were helping them. It also reported receiving a broadcast, by a secret radio station calling itself as the 'Voice of Kashmir', of the setting up of a Revolutionary Council to take over all authority in Kashmir. Within days however, it became clear to the world that this was a propaganda hoax. Soon even Pakistani newspapers ceased further propaganda. By 11 August, the Pakistan Army realised that Operation Gibraltar had flopped. From 15 August onwards, the Pakistan Army stepped up its violation of the cease fire line on the Srinagar - Leh road". Mr PVR Rao, the Defence Secretary in 1965, stated in his 1972 USI Lecture: The firm decision that the Army should cross the Cease Fire Line to root out the infiltrator's bases and, in case Pakistan regular forces intervened, our forces should be free to retaliate at any suitable place of their choice was taken on the night of the 13th August by the Prime Minister, when the Defence Minister and certain officials, including the Chief of the Army Staff were present. These decisions were taken on the request of the Chief of the Army Staff that to check infiltration, the infiltrators' bases should be destroyed and in any fight between regular forces, the Services should not be restricted. Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri was anxious to avoid any extension of the conflict but was determined that measures to liquidate infiltrators should be pursued vigorously. The Prime Minister gave expression publicly to the decision taken at his speech from the Red Fort on the 15th August, when he declared that "resort to the sword will be met with the sword". And even as the speech was being made, our troops occupied certain posts across the Cease Fire Line near Kargil and, in the following days, occupied various places across the Cease Fire Line, including Haji Pir and destroyed the infiltrators' hideouts. After giving the broad directive on the 13th August, the Prime Minister did not concern himself with the details of the operations. He left all operational decisions to be supervised by the Defence Minister, but I used to report to the Prime Minister at his residence every evening the progress of the operations.
the submarine PNS Ghazi which had been deployed long distance to seek out the Vikrant, was sunk on Dec 3 at Vishakhapatnam harbour. the 2500 ton ex-US submarine Diablo, re-named PNS Ghazi, was fed mis-intelligence that INS Vikrant was at Vizag when it was actually at a secret cove. The destroyer INS Rajput, was acting as decoy for the Vikrant. As it was speeding out of harbour on 3-4 Dec night, a violent disturbance was spotted ahead and this ship depth-charged this area. It exploded loudly sometime later in the night, perhaps around 0015. In his book "No Way But Surrender - An Account of the Indo Pakistan War in the Bay of Bengal 1971", Vice Admiral N Krishnan suggests that this was the prime reason for the sinking of the Ghazi: The RAJPUT sailed before midnight of 3/4 December and, on clearing harbour, proceeded along the narrow channel. Having got clear, the Commanding Officer saw what he thought was a severe disturbance in the water, about half a mile ahead. He rightly assumed that this might be a submarine diving. He closed the spot at speed and dropped at the position two charges. It has been subsequently established that the position where the charges were dropped was so close to the position of the wreck of the GHAZI that some damage to the latter is a very high probability. The RAJPUT, on completion of her mission, proceeded on her course in order to carry out her main mission. A little later, a very loud explosion was heard by the Coast Battery who reported the same to the Maritime Operations Room. The time of this explosion was 0015 hours. The clock recovered from the GHAZI showed that it had stopped functioning at the same time. Several thousand people waiting to hear the Prime Minister's broadcast to the nation also heard the explosion and many came out thinking that it was an earthquake. (p. 26+) From the position of the rudder of the GHAZI, the extent of damage she has suffered, and the notations on charts recovered, the situation has been assessed by naval experts as follows: The GHAZI had evidently come up to periscope/or surface depth to establish her navigational position, an operation which was made extremely difficult by the blackout and the switching off of all navigational lights. At this point of time, she probably saw or heard a destroyer approaching her, almost on a reciprocal course. This is a frightening sight at the best of times and she obviously dived in a tremendous hurry and at the same time put her rudder hard over in order to get away to seaward. It is possible that in her desperate crash dive, her nose must have hit the shallow ground hard when she bottomed. It seems likely that a fire broke out on board for'd where, in all probability, there were mines, in addition to the torpedoes, fully armed". [However, there are some alternate versions to this story, such as that the Ghazi actually sank on 2nd night. It is possible that the INS Rajput had not set sail till past 0015. However, no one on INS Rajput appears to have heard the explosion linked to the demise of the Ghazi. Also the damage to the Ghazi indicate an internal explosion (hull blown outwards). It could have been a malfunction of one of the many mines it was carrying, or a hydrogen explosion. Hydrogen normally accumulates during charging and discharging of submarine batteries.]
Though I have excerpted heavily from the Ukhia amphibious assault failure, this is because this episode is not that well known. In most other respects, the Indian Navy acquitted itself rather well on both the Eastern and Western fronts. One of the highlights was the unexpected missile attack on Karachi, which was fraught with uncertainties, but turned out amazingly successful. Today, December 4 is celebrated as Navy day to commemmorate the amazingly successful operation in which the destroyer PNS Khyber, a minesweeper PNS Muhafiz, and a vessel allegedly carrying arms (Karachi port was otherwise closed to merchantmen); this ship also had a destroyer escort the Shah Jehan which was hit and had to be scrapped. It is widely misrepresented that the "killer squadron" also blew up the Keamari Oil tanks, but these were on fire after an earlier IAF bombing. (wiki: Operation Trident (1971))
from the book "We Dared", by Admiral Kohli (FOCINCWEST), (Pages 36+): Karachi was defended by shore based military aircraft. It was essential therefore to minimise the possibilities of the boats being attacked from the air. It was planned that the attacking force would arrive 150 miles from Karachi at sunset, go in at maximum speed during darkness, carry out the attack, withdraw at maximum speed and be 150 miles away at dawn. Darkness would make it difficult for enemy aircraft to see and attack the force. There were grave risks in sending the fragile boats to the heavily defended port of Karachi. Even if the element of surprise prevented the detection of these boats on the approach and whilst launching their missiles, they would most certainly be subjected to air and perhaps surface attack in the withdrawal phase. One has to imagine the dilemma of the Commander-in-Chief in Bombay. On the one hand was the tremendous danger to young naval officers and sailors and to many crores worth of ships; on the other the Navy had to show its mettle. A calculated risk had to be taken. But some losses had to be accepted. All these factors were very carefully weighed. In his book "Sailing and Soldiering in Defence of India", Cdr SD Sinha has reproduced an interview in which the CNS Admiral Nanda states: (Page 229+) We had decided that in the event of a war, we would use the missile boats for carrying out an attack on Karachi harbour. There were, however, a lot of misgivings about this plan... The C-in-C Western Naval Command [Kohli], who was assigned this task, felt that Karachi was a very heavily defended port with all ships of the Pakistani Navy patrolling outside the harbour, as well as availability of Pakistan air cover from the two airfields of Drigh Road and Malir, from where Pakistani aircraft could attack our forces. They also had 16 inch gun batteries at Manora and Sandspit, which could blast our ships out of the water. He also felt that Pakistan had superiority in gun power with their destroyers acquired from the British Navy and that it would be a suicidal attempt on our part to try and attack Karachi. These views were expressed by C-in-C West at a presentation of Cs-in-C of all the three services at Delhi. I was taken aback at this performance. After the presentation, I called him and my Vice Chief and FOCINCEAST to my office and informed him that I felt it was unfair on him and the men under his Command to burden them with this responsibility if he did not believe in the success of this plan. And I said that I was going to see the Defence Minister and request him to relieve him of his Command. He replied "I have only given my views and I will of course carry out the orders given to me". I was a bit uneasy about this and felt that he was trying to evade responsibility. In retrospect, it is to the credit of both Admirals that they let this acrimony subside. Here is a map showing its successful missile attack on Karachi.
On the afternoon of 4 December, when the Strike Group was on its way to Karachi, FOCINCWEST sent a signal directing the Petyas and the missile boats to remain in company throughout. The Task Group's approach to Karachi was by and large uneventful. Despite some confusion, contacts detected en route were eventually analysed as undeserving of missile attack. When 70 miles south of Karachi, a target was detected to the northwest at a range of 45 miles. It was classified as a warship. A second target was detected to the northeast at a range of 42 miles, heading for Karachi. Both targets were tracked and missiles prepared for launch. The contact to the northwest was engaged by missile boat NIRGHAT with two missiles. The target sank. It was later learnt that this was the Pakistan Navy destroyer KHAIBAR. The contact to the northeast was engaged by missile boat NIPAT with two missiles. The target sank. It was learnt later that this was a merchant ship MV VENUS CHALLENGER. A third contact appeared to the North. It was engaged by missile boat VEER with one missile. The target sank. It was learnt later that this was the Pakistan Navy coastal minesweeper MUHAFIZ. At this stage of the attack, when there were no contacts on radar, what should have happened was that all ships of the Task Group should have continued to close Karachi and, from the predetermined point promulgated by KILTAN, each missile boat should have fired one more missile at Karachi. This did not happen. Missile boat NIRGHAT mistook anti aircraft tracer shells and reported sighting aircraft. Fear of Pakistani air attack sharply increased. KILTAN's accurate anti aircraft radar also mistook as aircraft the shells being fired from Karachi's gun defences. It took some time for this confusion to clear. Meanwhile K 25, the Commander of the missile boats, told missile boat NIPAT, in which he was embarked, to fire one of his two remaining missiles towards Karachi which NIPAT did. K 25 then issued the order for the boats to withdraw. Due to a fade out in communications, the Commander of the Task Group in KILTAN did not receive this withdrawal signal. He continued to close Karachi. When he arrived at the predetermined point, 20 miles south of Karachi he found himself all alone. Except for missile boat VEER, everybody else had turned round and was headed back towards Saurashtra at full speed. Due to a machinery problem, VEER had reduced speed to effect repairs. When KILTAN turned round to head for home, VEER mistook KILTAN for a Pakistani warship and almost fired a missile at her. Fortunately communications and identity were reestablished and a catastrophe averted. In due course, ships of the Task Group arrived on the Saurashtra Coast in ones and twos, refuelled on 5 December and arrived in Bombay on 6 December. [There is a misconception that the missile boats also fired at Karachi land installations and particularly an oil tank at Keamari. (e.g. see http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/indo-pak_1971.htm which is cited widely). However, Hiranandani cites the Pakistani naval history - "The Story of the Pakistan Navy", which clearly states in describing the first missile attack on 4 December: The oil installations had also been subjected to an aerial attack earlier in the day at 0830, when two oil tanks at Keamari had caught fire. However, the oil tanks were indeed destroyed in the missile attack of Dec 8. From the "Story of the Pakistan Navy" (p.352): The first missile flew over the ships at the anchorage, crossed Manora Island and crashed into an oil tank at the Keamari oil farm. There was a huge explosion and flames shot up so high that Qamar House-a multi-story building in the city- was clearly visible. The fire caused by the air attack on 4 December had been put out only a day earlier after three days of concerted efforts. Fires once again raged in the oil farm after a short lived respite of a day. A distressing sight no doubt for everyone, but particularly for those who had risked their lives in a tenacious battle against the oil farm fires earlier. In all probability the first missile had strayed away from its target and locked on to the strong echo of the oil tank. ... The circumstances surrounding the sudden disappearance of the merchant vessel VENUS CHALLENGER from the high seas have remained somewhat of a mystery. It is certain though that the ship was sunk in one of the two missile attacks at Karachi. The ship, loaded with a cargo of rice, had sailed for East Pakistan from the United States on 10 September. Arriving off Chittagong in late November, she was diverted to Karachi where she was expected in the first week of December. Thereafter, the ship could not be traced until the identification of her wreck by a team of naval divers 26 miles to the south of Karachi a few days after the war.
[In this second attack, it turns out that the Pakistan Navy did get some early intelligence, and it reequested support from the Air Force. However, the IAF launched a coordinated attack on the PAF airfields just as the missile boats were launching their missiles, and the air attack did not materialize. ] TRISHUL, TALWAR and VINASH set course for Karachi at high speed. En route, electronic emissions were detected on a Pakistan Naval frequency which was being monitored. It was appreciated that a vessel was reporting the presence of the group to Karachi. The vessel was soon sighted. TALWAR was told to sink the vessel which she did and rejoined. During the approach to Karachi, TRISHUL's electronic surveillance reported that the radar at Karachi had stopped rotating and was pointed directly at the group, a sure sign that the group had been detected. At 2300, the group arrived off Karachi and on radar detected a group of ships. FOCWEF had already told the CO of TRISHUL that VINASH should fire all four missiles. VINASH proceeded to do so: The first missile homed on to the oil tanks at Keamari and started a huge fire. The second and third missiles homed on to merchant ships. It was subsequently learnt that the British vessel HARMATTON had been damaged and the Panamanian vessel GULF STAR had sunk. The fourth missile homed on to the Pakistan Navy's tanker DACCA which had been camouflaged and anchored amidst the merchant ships because, laden with oil, she could not seek safety inside Karachi port as the other Pakistan Naval ships had done. It had been pre-arranged that the Indian Air Force would attack Karachi's airfields at Masroor and Drigh Road at the same time as the second missile attack. It so happened that the TRISHUL group arrived off Karachi and carried out its attack before the prearranged time. The air attack commenced soon thereafter. The anti aircraft guns at Karachi opened fire as the TRISHUL group withdrew unobserved. Post war intelligence indicated that Karachi's guns set fire to a Greek ship ZOE which Lloyds List of 10 December stated as "set ablaze and sunk". [Vice Admiral Gulab Mohanlal Hiranandani, the author, was then Fleet Operations Officer. He was awarded the Nausena Medal for his contribution in the detailed operational planning.] http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/kerala/article14650.ece
http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/book-review-of-transition-to-triumph-history-of-the-indian-navy-1965-1975/1/254619.html The Indian Navy's proactive role during the Kargil conflict has its origins in the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war, when it went on the offensive to achieve maritime dominance. This took place through the use of ship-launched missiles against warships off Karachi, and sustained aircraft carrier operations against ports and hostile shipping in Bangladesh. This is an honest book. Written by a former vice-chief who helped plan the missile attacks against Karachi, it does not hesitate to bring out failures in command during the war nor shortcomings in men and material. These tragic failures include the loss of the Indian frigate Khukri, the botched amphibious landing at Ukhia and "friendly fire" from Indian aircraft. Inexplicably, it does not emphasise the elevation of the naval chief to the rank of a four-star admiral - equivalent to the other two services - in March 1968. This reflected a notable shift from strictly landward-oriented threats. Nor does the book examine the nuclear weapon dimensions of the approach of the US aircraft carrier Enterprise. Even so, this book is a welcome addition to the scarce literature on the armed forces.
Vice-Admiral Hiranandani cremated with full Naval honours http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/kerala/article14650.ece September 3, 2009 Gulab Mohanlal Hiranandani who died here on Tuesday evening, were consigned to the flames at `Gurucharan’ premises on the banks of river Pampa at Malakkara in Pathanamthitta district on Thursday. The funeral was held at the residential courtyard of his son on the banks of the Pampa with full naval honours in the presence of Banu Hiranandani, his wife, Manik Hiranandani, son, Meera Sanyal, daughter, Helen,daughter-in-law, grand children and other family members. The 78-year-old former Navy vice-chief who had mentored several generations of Naval officers was given a gun salute by INS Dronacharya. Hiranandani served the Navy for a long stint of 40 years. Following this, he served with distinction at the Union Public Service Commission and retired as its Acting Chairman. He authored three books on the official history of the Navy. He joined the Navy in 1949 and had received training with the Royal Navy till 1965, specialising in gunnery and missiles. His senior shore appointments were as Director Combat Policy and Tactics (1974–77), Chief of Staff Western Naval Command (1981–82), Deputy Chief of the Naval Staff (1983–84), Commander in Chief Southern Naval Command (1985–87), and Vice Chief of the Naval Staff (1988–89). He was awarded the Nau Sena Gallantry Medal in the 1971 Indo-Pakistan War, for his role as the architect of the missile boat attack on Karachi harbour, as Fleet Operations Officer. In 1979 he was awarded the Ati Vishist Seva Medal for his services as Director, Combat Policy and Tactics and the Param Vishist Seva Medal in 1986 for re-vitalising the Navy’s training institutions. After retiring from the Navy in 1989, Hiranandani was appointed Member of the Union Public Service Commission for six years and retired as its Acting Chairman. In 1995, he was appointed the Official Historian of the Navy. He had authored a trilogy commencing with "Transition to Triumph" covering the period 1965 to 1975 published in 1999 and "Transition to Eminence" covering the period 1976 to 1990 published in 2004. He completed the final chapters of the third volume "Introspection & Consolidation" just before his death and the book will be released by President Pratibha Patil on Navy Day on December 4. Vice-Admiral Hiranandani held a master’s degree in Military Science and a doctorate in Political Science. His doctoral thesis was "Manning of Future Hi-Tech Military Systems in India – The Political and Economic Challenge." Association with Kerala Admiral Hiranandani had a long association with Kerala. His daughter Meera Sanyal, who recently stood as an independent candidate for South Mumbai was born in Cochin when he commanded the Naval Battery INS Dronacharya in 1961. From 1985-87 he served as Commander-in-Chief of Southern Naval Command where he initiated the Naval Academy at Ezhimala and the new Indian Naval Base at Karwar. His son, Dr. Manik Hiranandani has set up a clinic at Malakarra where he is a renowned practitioner of integrated medicine. --- fulltext : http://www.goodreads.com/book/photo/8762600-transition-to-triumph