Goldstein, E. Bruce;
Encyclopedia of Perception, v.1 and v.2
SAGE, 2009, 1280 pages
ISBN 1412940818, 9781412940818
topics: | psychology | perception | reference
*by Paul C. Quinn, Kang Lee, Olivier Pascalis, and Alan M. Slater
Newborn infants, just a few minutes from birth, will track with their eyes a schematic visual stimulus resembling a face more than they will track a stimulus that has the external shape of the head but has the internal features of the face scrambled. This result supports the idea that newborn infants enter the world with an internal representation of a face, although some have suggested that the information in the representation may be relatively coarse, consisting of three high-contrast blobs in the correct relative locations... However, the possibility that the initial face representation may be more elaborate is suggested by the finding that newborn infants will imitate facial gestures (such as mouth opening and tongue protrusion) that they see an adult modeling.
the question arises as to how sensitivity develops to the individual features versus sensitivity to the structural whole that incorporates the spatial relations among the features. ... for structural processing, there is the question of how infants come to process first-order relations (i.e., categorical spatial relations—the eyes above the nose) and second-order relations (i.e., metric spatial relations— the distance between the eyes and the nose). The expertise that adults have for processing faces is believed to be associated with sensitivity to second-order relations. Initial sensitivity to both first- and second-order relations is present in infancy, although full development of sensitivity to second-order relations to adultlike levels may follow a protracted course lasting even into adolescence. There is also a growing literature on how infants come to process social attributes of faces during their first year (e.g., identity, emotion, gender, race, attractiveness). This literature initially focused on the question of mother–stranger differentiation with its implications for the development of attachment. This research collectively suggests that the preference for mother over stranger is manifest in the late third trimester in the auditory domain and shortly after birth in the visual and olfactory domains. The visual preference is facilitated by increased exposure to the mother’s face and voice in the first few hours and days after birth.
Taken together, the studies suggest that infants may process emotion information more efficiently from dynamic and familiar faces, and that multimodal information may contribute to infants’ developing understanding of the “meaning” of emotion by lessening the likelihood that attention will be focused on modality-specific cues (e.g., toothiness in the visual input). In addition, infants can categorize emotional expressions across variation in the intensity of the emotion and the individuals depicting the emotion, and also display differential responsiveness to classes of emotion through spontaneous preference (e.g., fearful faces are preferred to happy ones).
by three months of age, infants prefer the gender of the primary caregiver and same- to other-race faces, with both preferences driven by differential experience. Specifically, three-month-olds reared by a female caregiver and presented with a series of female faces preferred a novel over familiar female face; however, when presented with male faces, there was no differential preference for a novel over familiar male face. In addition, although threemonth- old Caucasian infants exposed predominantly to Caucasian faces performed as well on a recognition memory task involving either own- or other-race faces, nine-month-old Caucasian infants demonstrated recognition memory only for Caucasian faces. The recognition advantage for same-race faces and its time course of development has also been observed for human infants viewing same- versus other-species of faces (humans versus monkeys). Another social dimension of faces that infants respond to is physical attractiveness. In particular, infants will spend more time looking at attractive faces (as judged by adults) when these are shown paired with less attractive human faces. Infant preference for attractive faces has been observed for a range of human faces, including Caucasian and African American adult female faces, adult male faces, and infant faces. The attractiveness effect can be demonstrated even in newborn infants: It is orientation dependent, occurring for upright but not inverted faces, and it is driven by the internal features of faces. A question of interest is whether the attractiveness preference in infants is dependent on perceptual learning mechanisms or whether it reflects the face representation that newborn infants bring to the learning situation for faces. The learning account of the attractiveness effect is couched in terms of an averaging process known as prototype formation: When several faces are averaged, adults perceive the resulting face as more attractive than any of the individual faces. By this learning account, infant preference for attractive faces may reflect a preference for faces similar to a composite of the faces seen since birth. This account can apply even to the results obtained with the newborn infants, given that those infants were two to three days old at testing, and would likely have experienced a multitude of faces even during that short time frame. In contrast, by a nativist account, newborn infants could enter the world with a face representation, and attractive faces are preferred because they more closely match this representation. This representation could still be in the form of a prototype, except that it would have been formed through evolutionary mechanisms. Consistent with the nativist account, young infants have also been found to prefer attractive over unattractive nonhuman animal faces for which they had no previous experience (i.e., cats, tigers). The finding that the attractiveness preference in infants extends beyond conspecifics also suggests that it is not reflective of an adaptation to mate choice, as some have suggested, but may point toward the operation of more general mechanisms that process a family of preferred perceptual features that includes, but may not be limited to, particular features, such as large eyes, and the complex geometric attributes that characterize the spatial relations among the features, such as their location (e.g., height) and arrangement (e.g., symmetry) within the whole. Thus, just as the perception of some social attributes of faces (i.e., identity, emotion, gender, and race) seems to be driven by experience, the perception of other social attributes of faces (i.e., attractiveness) may be determined by the initial settings of our perceptual systems.