COHRE (Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions) (publ); ACHR (Asian Coalition of Housing Rights);
We didn't stand a chance: Forced evictions in Bangladesh
COHRE Hong Kong (COHRE and ACHR Mission Report), 2000, 65 pages
ISBN 9295004094, 9789295004092
topics: | bangladesh |
During a visit to Bangladesh in 2012, I had an opportunity to spend two days in the kamalApur area, near the elegant fluted railway station and an important bus terminus.
What we didn't know then is the story of the painful evictions of slum dwellers from this area, a part of urban rejuvenation in Dhaka.
In the Pakistan era, Bangladesh was a neglected province of Pakistan, and Dhaka was a crumbling city.
After the formation of Bangladesh in 1971, the national revenues started accruing in the capital, and Dhaka boomed with opportunities, attracting an enormous rural influx.
Starting 1975, the city authorities started evicting thousands of squatters who had occupied private and government land. Some of these people had been living on these lands for decades. No alternative housing was provided. A significant number were evicted to Mirpur, where you can see the signs of new tenements even today. The evictions continued through the 1990s, and scaled up in the late 1990s, during the Awami government of Sheikh Hasina (June 1996 to July 2001).
This book is based on a visit from August 2000, and documents this last phase. It is a sad tale: A typical case would be that an announcement would be made through loudspeakers one evening informing the community that they would have to move their belongings and house by 7:30 AM the next morning, if they didn’t it would all be destroyed. Any requests for clarifications were met with threats of beating or incarceration. Next morning at 7:00 am the settlement would be surrounded by police and the demolition crew, who came with bulldozers. Once again announcements would be made to gather all belongings and vacate their homes. Usually the men and women would try to plead with the police. [Meanwhile, the bulldozers would start demolitions.] The people would scramble to collect whatever they could and to save themselves. evictions in Dhaka image from article: Violence and displacement in suburban Dhaka Shahadat Hossain, 14 August 2013 http://www.opendemocracy.net/opensecurity/shahadat-hossain/violence-and-displacement-in-suburban-dhaka
This report was prepared by a fact-finding group of four people: - Ted Añana (Philippines), - Francisco Fernandez (Philippines), - Kenneth Fernandes (Australia (orig. Pakistan)), and - Ms. Lajana Manandhar (Nepal). They spent about a week in Dhaka in early August 2000, talking to various stakeholders about the large-scale evictions in the preceding decades. The visit was organized by the Geneva-based Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (COHRE) and the Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR).
As can be expected of a visit over a few days, the book gives a rather shallow view of the evictions. Who were the evicted people? What was the social dynamics that had brought them to the desperate measure of leaving their homes and coming to the city? What validity was there to the claim of the authorities that these people were "terrorists"? Many of the evicted were Bangladeshi "biharis" - an Urdu-speaking community who had emigrated in 1947 from Bihar and U.P. They are not Bengalis, and this has marked them as a minority in Bangladesh. For the last three decades, this group has been asking to be repatriated to Pakistan - and have been in limbo without citizenship in Bangladesh. Despite being granted Bangladesh citizenship papers in 2008, they remain alienated from the bAnglA-speaking majority, and some in the community may be aligned to the ultra-right terrorist groups. However, surely the majority of the several lakh who have been evicted may not have been Biharis, the soccio-political perspective remains incomplete without some idea about the dynamics of the ruling elite and these marginalized groups.
During our 2012 trip, we also visited Mirpur, largely populated by Biharis. The streets are new, and the whitewashed shops smell of fresh concrete. The area has many high-rise garment factories, one of which These are the people whose mother tongue is Urdu and many of whom hope for a re-alignment with Pakistan. Many are tnAtis - handloom weavers of elegant dhAkAi sAris. Many of the notorious razakars are also associated with this population; these are the people who, in 1971, worked with the Pakistan army in the mass killings of millions of bengali-speaking bAnglAdeshis. After the formation of Bangladesh in 1971, many Bihari Bangladeshis wished to repatriate to Pakistan. This group is known as the mehsUreen (besieged). Despite feeble political attempts to organize ships etc for them, two generations of mehsureen remained stranded without citizenship in Bangladesh. The Biharis are closely linked with the right-wing party Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed (and possibly continues to oppose) independence from Pakistan. One of the aging leaders of the Jamaat, Abdul Kader Mullah, was controversially hanged in 2013 as a leader of the razakars (he is often referred to as the "butcher of Mirpur"). A number of witnesses testified, after forty years, to hundreds of killings by Mullah and his group, including the brutal decapitation of the pro-Liberation poet Meherun Nesa, whose head was strung up from a ceiling fan. The Ameer (leader) of the party is Motiur Rahman Nizami, who has also been sentenced to death for involvement in the smuggling of truckloads of arms. Both were leaders of the Al-Badar militia in 1971. Another leader, Abul Kalam Azad (Bachchu Razakar) has also been sentenced to death, but remains untraceable in Pakistan.
This is only part of the background against which one needs to understand these evictions. The other part involves the bureaucratic upper middle-class mindset which viewed these slums as eyesores, as did Sanjay Gandhi in Delhi during Indira Gandhi's emergency of 1976. However, by documenting at least the extent of the evictions, this book does make a solid case for a more principled approach to such evictions.
After listening to the various sides to the issue, the fact-finding team from COHRE concluded that there was no justification for the brutal forced eviction of over 100,000 people in the past year. The forced evictions caused hardships for very poor urban dwellers, and impoverished them further.
Despite its serious problems, Bangladesh is noted for its remarkable improvement in key social indicators such as birth rates, life expectancy, girl’s school enrolment, and child immunisation which have improved remarkably while poverty has been declining. Its non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are among the most active in the world, providing microcredit and social mobilization to some 8 million poor, mostlywomen. The annual per capita income is US $350.
Prior to December 1971, Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, and known as East Pakistan. Dhaka’s overall rate of urbanization in East Pakistan was low, partly because much of the industrialization occurred in West Pakistan. There were slums in Dhaka, mainly along the railway lines. During the struggle for liberation, the Pakistani army began demolishing slums by burning them, ostensibly because these slums harboured terrorists and anti-social elements. From 1971 onwards, the rate of urbanization was exceptionally high. Dhaka grew at a rate of 9 per cent per annum. From a city of 500,000 it grew to its current population of over 9,000,000. In January 1975, the first large-scale forced evictions occurred in Dhaka. About 200,000 lowincome people were evicted. Only 75,000 people were re-located to three distant sites in Mirpur. However, many NGOs assisted the people. Today Kamlapur is a bustling rail and bus center, and the slums of Mirpur are attracting evictions No amenities were provided. [PM: Sheikh Mujibur Rahman 12 January 1972 - Jan 1975; killed August 1975] The elegant kamalApur railway station in Dhaka, opened 1969. Land surrounding nearby railway tracks were often occupied by migrants, and saw many eviction drives in the 1970s and 80s. [image from dec 2013] Between 1989 and 1998 there were twenty demolitions carried out in the following places: Taltola Sweeper Colony, Gulshan 1, Agargaon, Shikdir Basti, Nikhet, (twice) Bakshi Bazar, (twice), Baridhara, Kamalpur, Mirpur, (thrice) Pollobi, Agargaon, (thrice) Kallyanpur, South Shahjanpur (thrice), Azimpur, Panthopoth, Karwan Bazar, and (thrice) Bashantek. During this period over 100,000 people were made homeless by the Government. The squatters filed petitions in the court and were given stay orders. However, after returning to their place and rebuilding their houses the authorities evicted them again. In some cases, after a year or two some settlements were evicted twice or thrice. PM: [Khaleda Zia : 20 March 1991 - 30 March 1996] In 1990, the Government went on a squatter clearance drive and evicted people from their homes in Kamalapur, Mohammedpur, and Moghbazzar, amongst others. Over 20,000 homes were destroyed leaving nearly a hundred thousand people homeless. In 1999 - 2000, about 100,000 people were evicted in Dhaka. Ain-o-Salish Kendro and Coalition for the Urban Poor (an NGO working in squatter settlements) carefully documented these forced evictions in Slum Evictions in Dhaka 1999-2000.22 The fact-finding team met with numerous people, including Ministers for Housing and Land, and all said that the forced evictions were initiated by the Home Minister and sanctioned by the Prime Minister. The reason given for the large-scale forced evictionswas to curb terrorism. [Sheikh Hasina : PM from 23 June 1996 to 15 July 2001] According to those evicted and NGOs, the forced evictions were conducted in a war-like fashion, with a large number of armed police as well as police in riot gear deployed alongside demolition crews. Often no written notices were given, only oral notices were given through loudspeakers a day earlier, usually in the evening. A typical case would be that an announcement would be made through loudspeakers one evening informing the community that they would have to move their belongings and house by 7:30 am the next morning, if they didn’t it would all be destroyed. Any requests for clarifications were met with threats of beating or incarceration. Early the next morning at 7:00 am the settlement would be surrounded by police and the demolition crew, who came with bulldozers. Once again announcements would be made to gather all belongings and vacate their homes. Usually the men and women would try to plead with the police. The community was met with threats, and at times the police beat up the men and women.
The three settlements of Balmat Basti, Railway Barrack and TT Para are in Kamlapur and each had a population of about 400,350 and 1,000 families respectively or a total of 1,750 families or approximately 9,000 people. Most people lived in the area for about four years, some even longer. The people worked as motor and cycle rickshaw drivers, construction and garment factory workers, vendors and other daily wage earners. Some rented their place for between 500-800 Taka a month. Most lived in their house having spent about 5,000 Taka to build. The average family size was 6-7 persons. The average family income was about 80-120 Taka per day. On the evening of Sunday 8 August 1999, the people in the settlements got oral notices through loudspeakers informing them to clear the area by removing their house and belongings as the following day bulldozers are coming to clear the land. The following morning at around 7:00 am the police arrived and asked the people to get out of their houses. The people pleaded with the police and while they were doing this, bulldozers came and started destroying people’s houses. There were over 1,000 police and a demolition crew numbering approximately 300. The people quickly scrambled to collect whatever they could and save themselves. Most people lost their houses. The Home Minister had ordered the demolition and promised to resettle the people but nothing has happened. He promised to resettle them in Kalapani, Mirpur. Kalapani is very far and commuting costs 50 Tk per day. This would mean most of their earning would be spent on transportation. In the absence of any alternatives or compensation they have rebuilt their shacks in nearby places, some have rented in nearby low-income settlements, and some have moved in with their relatives nearby. Their places of work are in the surrounding area. Currently the land is contracted to railway staff to grow vegetables.
to contribute some excerpts from your favourite book to
book
excerptise. send us a plain text file with
page-numbered extracts from your favourite book. You can preface your
extracts with a short review.
email to (bookexcerptise [at] gmail [dot] com).