Chaudhuri, Sashi Bhusan;
Civil disturbances during the British Rule in India, 1765-1857
The World Press Ltd Calcutta, 1955, 231 pages
topics: | history | india | british-raj |
this much neglected work was the first to highlight an important aspect of British Rule in india, and is the seed from which much postcolonial historiography, such as the subaltern history movement, grew.
the general impression has been that british rule was qualitatively different from earlier despotic rulers, in that the "rule of law" was introduced. the apparent peacefulness of british rule was remarked on in the phrase "pax britannica".
these ideas are challenged in this book, which reveals how an intense underlying dissafection with british rule showed up in the frequent revolts and uprisings. ranajit guha's (1999) "simple count" of revolts involving overr a thousand people, yields 117 such revolts in 130 years, about one major revolt every year (elementary aspects of peasant insurgency in colonial india)
understandably, colonial historiography had found little need to analyze these revolts as a persistent aspect of british rule. as subodh chandra sarkar notes in his introduction:
The impact of British rule on India in its beneficial aspects has long been a commonplace in historical literature. British authors have dwelt upon it with understandable pleasure, and Indian writers have more or less followed the beaten track. The British exploitation of India has been recognised of course, but in standard histories this is almost a footnote, and Indian criticism of British rule in India has been either too general or too technically economic. That British Power in this country, even in early days, had to contend almost ceaselessly with resistance from large numbers of people in very many parts was not indeed unknown, but this aspect of our history has not yet been adequately dealt with in a factual, concrete manner. I venture to think that after Dr Chaudhuri's pioneer work it will no longer he possible to ignore thus subject in any important treatment of British Indian history. prof. sarkar's prophecy has turned out correct, and thanks to this book, today the documentation and analysis of revolts is a major industry in colonial history.
however, in his time, chaudhuri (1907-1983), who did his doctoral work under r. c. majumdar in the 1940s, in india, faced much criticism from british historians, and his work was often pooh-poohed as "nationalist" history, or more often, simply ignored. nonetheless, this is the first work to investigate this important question. chaudhuri shows great scholarship by stringing together a description of these events based on farflung narratives in remote archival sources, and bringing them under one analysis.
reading this book in the 21st century, one forgets that that during the colonial period, access for indian historians to the archives were limited. until 1926, the "imperial department of documents" was accessible only to officials (including the indian ICS). though it was opened up to natives later, various hurdle such as a copying fee were imposed. jadunath sarkar faced considerable difficulties while writing his early work on the economics of british india. Sabyasachi Chakrabarty has written of the Archival Policy in Colonial times: [...] early colonial policy prevented access to the records of the Indian Government. [Colonial officials sought] rules in the archives which would “prevent unscrupulous students from selecting and publishing those portions of records which tell in favour of their point of view”. Till the 1920s the records could be read only by the ICS officers and the members of the British Indian bureaucracy. Historians like Sir Jadu Nath Sarkar and nationalist intellectuals like M.G.Ranade had to fight a long battle against the “closed-door” policy at the archives. The freedom to access governmental records was slowly won against the opposition of British officialdom. this volume was among the earliest works to appear after the records were opened up in 1947, under the new name, national archives of india, with historian surendranath sen as director. this enabled sashi bhusan chaudhuri, who had finished his doctoral work (under r.c. majumdar) on ancient india in 1946, to shift emphasis to the colonial period. as he says in the preface, he was initially looking at the history of bengal in the 1850s, and while going through the "reports, minutes, despatches, and memoranda," he was struck by how frequently there was some mention of various uprisings. eventually, he decided to shift his emphasis to make this the central theme of his work.
the topic is not completely new. it is not that the princely revolts, soldier rebellions and agrarian uprisings were not mentioned by british historians. however, they were considered each a separate instance, motivated by a few "agitators". here, for the first time is an analysis that attempts to find a common thread running through these insurgencies. as sarkar says in his introduction: The risings against British authority have often enough been dismissed as the outcome of the machinations of a number of dispossessed malcontented persons. [But the problem is where did such large followings] come from? Why did [so many] people respond to the 'intrigues' of the interested parties. It is after all a superficial view of history to remain satisfied with attributing all disturbances to 'agitators'. In any broad perspective, it seems natural to hold that the alien British conquest of India would meet with the same type of resistance which was encountered by other imperial powers in other 'colonial' countries. Dr Chaudhuri has, I think, demonstrated with sufficient material that the Pax Britannica in India was only a very relative peace and that there was plenty of opposition from substantial sections of the common people often enough. p.xiii interestingly, the language of "agitators" persists in the mainstream discourse against such rebellions worldwide, which are now couched in the language of "terrorism".
the source material for this volume is almost entirely based on reports written by british officials: the history of this resistance to British rule has not been written by the spokesmen of those who resisted, but is incidentally referred to by the British themselves who provoked this resistance, and is, to that extent, worthy of credence. ... [Even] the little that is noticed in official publications and unofficial accounts, if written in a fairly critical spirit, may not be found inadequate for extending an enquiry into the history of this tension of Indo-British relationships. [preface, ix] the list of sources itself is daunting: The materials lie scattered in a great variety of repositories, often in minute forms, mixed up with subjects of a very different nature. A string of reports, minutes, despatches, and memoranda sometimes alludes only to a small portion of what is relevant to a specific case. The enquiry committee reports of the major incidents throw much light on certain aspects of the movements. Also, materials have to be extracted and sifted from the voluminous records of British legislation, the Parliamentary Papers and Parliamentary Debates. A large number of books written on India, in its various aspects, probably larger than has ever been written on any other Asiatic country, also contain very useful information. Private correspondence, Biographies, District Gazetteers, Annual Registers, and publications of that sort, and the numerous pamphlets on India published by many societies of London, the contemporary newspapers of India, and old magazines and journals of England furnish reliable source material of the history of these disturbances. [preface, x] despite this painstaking work, in the initial decades after this publication, his investigations were largely ignored. however, s. b. chaudhuri has been vindicated in recent times as this topic has gained importance in colonial historiography.
chaudhuri's work also inspired the subaltern historians; one of the pioneering works of the genre, ranajit guha's investigation of rebellions, elementary aspects of peasant insurgency in colonial india_ (1999) states: ... agrarian disturbances in many forms and on scales ranging from local riots to war-like campaigns spread over many districts were endemic throughout the first three quarters of british rule until the very end of the nineteenth century. at a simple count there are no fewer than 110 known instances in 117 years (p.1-2) the investigation continues today, with recent works such as a.k. gupta, defying death: struggles against imperialism and feudalism (2001), a miscellany of mutinies and massacres in india by terence r. blackburn (2007), and the mutiny at the margins series (ed. crispin bates and others, 2008). many uprisings not listed here are gaining focus such as the vellore mutiny in 1806, caused by a leather hat, which was opposed on religious grounds by both the hindu and muslim soldiery, similar to the greased cartridges of 1857. chaudhuri makes a strong case that so many rebellions, carrying immense personal risk for the participants, would not have taken place unless the east india company was mis-governing on a large scale. he gives many instances of over-taxation and reckless profiteering. what is interesting is that a significant fraction of these rebellions are by the tribals, who found themselves increasingly disenfranchised by the british traders' avarice for forest produce. even more sadly, this pattern continues even today.
chaudhuri also emphasizes that 1857 was not an isolated instance; this line of thought has become influential today. for example, we have noted cambridge historian c. a. bayly, who remarks in his indian society and the making of empire (1988): ... several broad types of dissidence can be isolated from the great range of revolts between 1800 and i860. Most notable were the periodic revolts of zamindars and other superior landholders fighting off demands for higher revenue or invasions of their status as 'little kings' in the countryside. Then there were conflicts between landlords and groups of tenants or under-tenants objecting to the transformation of customary dues into landlord rights or to some violation of the obligations between agrarian lord and dependant. Next there was a range of conflicts arising from tension between wandering or tribal people and settled peasant farmers which usually centred on the control of forests, grazing grounds or other communally exploited resources. Finally, there were frequent revolts in cities and towns. These had many causes: some were riots over market control and taxation. Some involved bloodshed between religious or caste groups or the protests of embattled artisan communities. All these types of conflict were widespread but they surfaced in exaggerated form in the course of the Mutiny and Rebellion of 1857. what distinguished the events of 1857 was their scale ... (p.170) this out of print book, which i could read only thanks to the digital library of india, deserves to be more widely known.
Originally enquiring about the condition of Bengal during the fifties of the nineteenth century, I drifted to this subject by a process of back-calculation and started my investigations to find out how far this aspect of study would fit in with the historical perspective. Difficulties were experienced by the fact that the great scene of Indian reaction to British rule was depicted nowhere, neither in India nor in Britain. Thornton, Mill and Wilson had taken note only of the more important episodes as they were connected with the conquest of India by British arms and the progress of British rule, but British historians and administrators in general, like their Roman counter-parts of the imperial period, have given scant attention to this long trail of disturbances, and have hardly described them in their proper perspective, probably from a feeling of solidarity of their empire or from other considerations as well.
It is indeed true that civil disturbances were common in other periods of history as well, for example in pre-British times. There is nothing surprising in this, for governmental oppression is a very ancient story, and people have often reacted against it in an active manner. But the point of the present study seems to be the conclusion that British rule in India also had at least a very important aspect in the shape of an alien and unpopular pressure on the common masses which led to a good deal of resistance from the conquered people. From this point of view it was not qualitatively superior to other conquests.
The materials of popular commotions and discontents lie scattered in a great variety of repositories, often in minute forms, mixed up with subjects of a very different nature. A string of reports, minutes, despatches, and memoranda sometimes alludes only to a small portion of what is relevant to a specific case. The enquiry committee reports of the major incidents throw much light on certain aspects of the movements. Also, materials have to be extracted and sifted from the voluminous records of British legislation, the Parliamentary Papers and Parliamentary Debates. A large number of books written on India, in its various aspects, probably larger than has ever been written on any other Asiatic country, also contain very useful information. Private correspondence, Biographies, District Gazetteers, Annual Registers, and publications of that sort, and the numerous pamphlets on India published by many societies of London, the contemporary newspapers of India, and old magazines and journals of England furnish reliable source material of the history of these disturbances. It is evident that very few persons can afford the time to peruse even a moderate portion of the documents from which the history and character of these disturbances can be told. I have been able to scrutinise and study a portion of them and hope to do more in future, but this little book will have served its purpose if it draws attention to the line of study thus indicated, especially at this time when the History of the Freedom Movement in India is being written. The term 'Disturbance' has been used to imply every species of rebellion and insurrection against the ruling authority started by large bodies of people or by their chiefs or by both jointly, as also the revolt of the ryots against their landed chiefs protected by British arms, and depredations committed upon persons and property on either side. It also includes purely political commotions originating from the conspiracy of ambitious or disgruntled Indian rulers which were definitely of a subversive character. It also relates to the many communal struggles of the period which, on all accounts, disturbed the peace of the country. The number of people who joined these different types of insurrection or took part in other ways, or the amount of property actually destroyed, or the casualties suffered on either side, and the area directly affected or the effects of the excesses committed, cannot now be determined in every case with the degree of accuracy the importance of the subject deserves. Presidency College, October, 1954, Calcutta S. B. Chaudhuri
The hundred years which began with the battle of Plassey and ended with the outbreak of the great revolt of 1857, constituted a clearly marked epoch of Indian history. It passed through many stages, underwent different phases of development, but as a whole, the Plassey epoch presented a singular unity in its fundamentals : the rise of the British power in India, and the consequent change, one of tremendous significance, in the economic and political structure of the country. Though not the first ot the foreign conquests of India, the British conquest differed from its predecessors in that it was made by a people possessing a highly developed civilization based on improved methods of production in sharp contrast to the Asiatic conquerors who had previously ruled India. The bourgeois revolution through which the English passed and the full support of a bourgeois state which was extended to their mercantile enterprises enabled the East India Company to eliminate even the competition of the French Company... The early period of British rule was characterised by commercial adventuring on the part of a relatively small number of British expatriates, and the excesses of the early conquistadores. As the nineteenth century opened, the rule passed slowly into the second phase of its development, and began to disclose its expansionist tendencies which eventually culminated in the conquest of the whole subcontinent after the suppression of the Mutiny of 1857.
These extracts from different sources will show that the evils of commercial exploitation were aggravating the misery, and discontent of the people of Bengal. 7 Mir Qasim's letter of March 26 1762, to the English governor: In every Perganah, every village, and every factory, they (the Company's Gomostahs) buy and sell salt, betel-nut, ghee, rice, straw, bamboos, fish, grannies, ginger, sugar, tobacco, opium, and many other things ... They forcibly take away the goods and commodities of the Reiats, merchants and etc., for a fourth part of their value ... which followed up on an earlier complaint by Mir Jafar: The Poor of this country, who used always to deal in salt, Bettle Nut, and Tobacco, are now deprived of their daily Bread by the Trade of the Europeans.
The picture of rapine and misery drawn by the nawab, headiug towards his doom, is substantially borne out by the letter of Mahammad Ali, collector of Dacca to the English governor at Calcutta in October 1762. [not quoted], and the Rackergunge letter of sergeant Brego, of May 25, 1762: A gentleman sends a Gomastah here to buy or sell; he immediately looks upon himself as sufficient to force every inhabitant either to buy his goods or sell him theirs; and on refusal (in case of non-capacity) a flogging or confinement immediately ensues. This is not sufficient even when willing, but a second force is made use of, which is to engross the different branches of trade to themselves, and not to suffer any person to buy or sell the articles they trade in; and if the country people do it, then a repetition of their authority is put in practice; and again, what things they purchase, they think the least they can do is to take them for a considerable deal less than another merchant, and oftentimes refuse paying that; and my interfering occasions an immediate complaint. These, and many other oppressions more than can be related; which are daily used by the Bengal Gomastahs, is the reason that this place (Backerjunj, a, prosperous Bengal district) is growing destitute of inhabitants; every day numbers leave the town to seek a residence more safe, and the very markets, which before afforded plenty, do hardly now produce anything of use, their peons being allowed to force poor people... Before, justice was given in the public Catcheree, but now every Gomastah is become a judge, and every one's house a Catcheree; they even pass sentences on the Zemindars themselves, and draw money from them by pretended injuries, [quotation not in original, added from Vansittart's Narrative (1766) (Henry Vansittart was governor from 1760-64, and was responsible for replacing Mir Jafar with his son-in-law Mir Qasim.] Governor Harry Verelst (1767-69) reported to the Court of directors of the Company (19 February, 1767} that upon his arrival in Bengal (after Clive): We beheld a Presidency divided, headstrong and licentious; a government without nerves; a treasury without money, and a service without subordination, discipline, or public spirit. ... individuals were accumulating immense riches, which they had ravished from the insulted prince and his helpless people, who groaned under the united pressure of discontent, poverty, and oppression. (Verelst, A View of Bengal, 47). Richard Becher, the Resident at Murshidabad who is noted for his outspoken views, complained in a strain of exasperation (1769) : I well remember this country when Trade was free, and the flourishing state it was then in ; with concern I now see its present ruinous condition which I am convinced is greatly owing to the Monopoly that has been made of late years in the Company's Name of almost all the Manufactures in the country. Let the Trade be made free, and th1s fine country will soon recover itself. [Quoted in Thompson and Garratt, Rise and Fulfillment (1958)]
quote from Edmund Burke : Ninth Report of the House of Commons, 1783, p. 64, and Appendix, 37·: The Directors in their letter to Bengal, of 17 March, 1769, desired that encouragement should be given for the manufacture of raw silk, but 'prohibition under severe penalties' should be enforced against the factory work of the winders. This policy of encouragement alternating with prohibition operated in a malignant way to destroy the manufactures of Bengal and left that country fit only for the production of crude materials 'subservient to the manufactures of Great Britain' . To prevent Silk Winders from working in their private Houses, where they might work for private Traders, and to confine them to the Company's Factories, where they could where they could only be employed for the company's benefit, they desire that the newly-acquired power of government should be efiectually employed. ... This letter contains a perfect plan of policy, both of compulsion and encouragement, which must, in a very considerable degree, operate destructively to the manufactures of Bengal. Its effect must be (so far as it could operate without being eluded) to change the whole face of that industrious country, in order to render it a field for the produce of crude materials, subservient to the manufactures of Great Britain.
Preface ix-x Acknowledgments xi Introduction xiii-xiv Approach to the Subject xv-xxiii
Historical Background 1-53
1 Revolt of the Rajas of Dhalbhum (1769-74) 2 Major Hannay's Black rule in Bihar (1778-81) 3 Rebellion at Rangpur (1783) 4 Rebellion at Bishnupur (1789): 5 Rebellion of the Chuars (1799) 6 Disturbances in Sylhet (1799) 7 Revolt of Vizier Ali (1799) 8 Disturbances in Bundelkhand (1808-12) 9 Commotion at Benares (1810-11) 10 Rising at Bareilly (1816) 11 Conquest of the Fort of Hathras (1817) 12 Insurrection of the Paiks at Cuttack (1817-8) 13 Rising of the Gujars (1824) 14 Rebellion at Baraset (1831) 15 Explosion of the Kols (1831-2) 16 Revolt of Ganganarayan of Manbhum (1832) 17 Explosion of the Khasis (1829-33) 18 Insurrection of the Pagal Panthis at Sherpur (1833) 19 Explosion of the Kukis (1844-50) 20 Disturbances in Assam (1830-50) 21 Explosion of the Khonds (1846)' 22 Ferazi disturbances (1838-47) 23 Explosion of the Santals (1855-6) 54-115
24 Revolt of Vizieram Rauze (1794) 25 Revolt of Dhundia in Bednur (1799-1800) 26 Revolt of the Pyche Raja (1796-1805) 27 Struggle of the Poligars in Tinneveli (1805) 28 Suppression of the Poligars in the Ceded Districts (1803-5) 29 Struggle of the Poligars in North Arcot (1803-5) 30 Struggle for independence in Travancore (1808-9) 31 Rebellion at Mysore (1830-31) 32 Disturbances in Parlakimedi Estates (1813-34) 33 Disturbances in Vizagapatam District (1830-34) 34 Struggle in Ganjam (1800-5) and Gumsur (1835-7) 35 Rising of Narasimha Reddi (1846-7) 116-152
36 Risings at Kittur (1824 and 1829) 37 Rising of the Ramosis at Poona (1826-9) 38 Explosion of the Bhils (1818-31) 39 Disturbances in Cutch (1815-32) 40 Gadkari rising at Kolhapur (1844) 41 Koli Outrages (1828-30, 1839. and 1844-8) 42 Outbreak in Savantvadi (1844-50) 43 Survey Riot (1852) 44 Disturbances in the Bombay Presidency 45 Disturbances in Jat Rajput and Maratha countries 46 Disturbances in the Frontier Provinces 153-181
CEYLON: 47 Struggle for independence in Ceylon (1803-5) 48 Explosion at Kandi (1817-8) 182-187 BURMA 49 Thugyi rebellion at Sandoway (1829-31) 50 Rebellion of the Minlaungs 51 Revolt of Gaung Gyi (1853-8) 52 Disturbances in Burma ... 187-195 MALACCA 53 Revolt of the Panghulu of Naning (1831-2>:
Concluding Remarks 198-219 Appendix-Communal Disturbances in India 220 Political Map of India Index 221-231