Chakravarty, Gautam;
The Indian mutiny and the British imagination
Cambridge University Press, 2005, 242 pages [gbook]
ISBN 0521832748, 9780521832748
topics: | history | british-india | 1857
Explores the British narrative on the mutiny, with on one hand the elite literature - parliament debates, leading newspapers and magazines, as well as the histories - serious texts meant for informed readers, and on the other hand the large body of popular fiction - the vulgate literature - that informed the newly literate masses. Both operated according to a "dominant interpretation", a discernible pattern that without "explicit censorship or any conscious plot to deceive", presented a series of plots, redactions and myths that underlie the colonial enterprise.
Also of note is how documents violating this dominant interpretation were ignored. For example, Edward Leckey used close textual analysis to reveal how many "putatively ‘eye-witness accounts’ were riddled with contradictions, half-truths and untruths. (Fictions Connected with the Indian Mutiny, 1859). But "Leckey's scepticism was largely ignored ... and it is a forgotten and obscure volume; a penalty, perhaps, for transgressing" the dominant interpretation. 181
The mutiny itself served to bring India into focus, since until then India had remained on the sidelines of mainstream British consciousness. The mutiny brought India into focus, and sharply:
the reception of the news of the rebellion in Britain, and the almost immediate manufacture of a language combining patriotic fervour with xenophobia, enthusiastically circulated by a burgeoning press and other popular media, anticipates middle- and working-class jingoism and warmongering of later, high imperial, decades. 25 Together these two strands of the narrative served to justify colonialism - that the British military expansion was a glorious and heroic act, a civilizing mission. the earliest histories came out as early June 1857: The early histories exemplify the ways in which historiography worked in tandem with the administrative needs of the colonial state during periods of crisis, producing narratives, explaining events and enlisting opinion. [Also traces the debate that sought to label the events as a "military mutiny" and not a "popular rebellion": ] Charles Raikes, a judge at the Agra court before the outbreak, clarified in 1858 (though not without considerable terminological embarrassment) that popular ‘disaffection’ was only a corollary of a mutiny: I attribute the existing disturbances in India to a mutiny in the Bengal army, and to that cause alone; I mean that the exciting and immediate cause of the revolution is to be found in the mutiny. That we have in many parts of the country drifted from mutiny into rebellion, is all too true; but I repeat my assertion, that we have to deal now with a revolt caused by a mutiny, not with a mutiny growing out of a national discontent. ...to claim that the rebellion was more than a military event was an explanatory move adducing reasons other than the professional grievances of the soldiers (and their cause, mismanagement of the army), and leading to criticism of administrative and revenue policies and of inadequate knowledge of Indian society, as well as to culturalist accusations of native ingratitude, fanaticism, irrationality and, sometimes, to a hesitant admission that the uprising may have possessed a nationalist content.
Charles Ball wrote among the earliest books on the mutiny, History of the indian mutiny (c . 1859), and sets out the emphasis on British women being absused by Indians, underlining the hysterical tone to be adopted by much of the later literature. In his description of the carnage at Kanpur, Ball sets out to verbalise some of the ‘indescribable barbarities’ [against women]: There lay the hapless mother and the innocent babe; young wife and the aged matron; girlhood in its teens, and infancy in its helplessness – all – all had fallen beneath the dishonoured tulwars of the Mahratta destroyer, and his fierce and cowardly accomplices in crime. (vol. i, p.377) Again, re: another massacre on 6 June: Infants . . . actually torn from their mother's arms, and their little limbs chopped off with tulwars yet reeking of their father's blood; while the shrieking mother was forcibly compelled to hear the cries of her tortured child, and to behold, through scalding tears of agony, the death-writhings of the slaughtered innocent. v.ii [p.37] the narrator of a later Mutiny novel, In the Heart of the Storm, described the popular reaction in Britain and in Anglo-India: ‘[A] sort of madness seized upon the people, to whom the knowledge of Christian women and children of their own race . . . slaughtered and tortured by that inferior and subject heathen race they had been accustomed to hold cheaply, was a horror beyond endurance.’ p.38 Recent studies on the discursive figuration of the rebellion have fruitfully argued how popular images of European ‘matrons’, ‘young wives’ and ‘girlhood’ exposed, helpless and at the mercy of the dark-skinned male rebels yields a scene of crime, showing up ‘English women as innocent victims and Indian men as sadistic sex criminals’, where the rebellion becomes ‘above all else . . . a crime against women’; a figuration of torture and sexual violation in the early accounts that, turning upon the revival of chivalry in Victorian England, propels the urge for revenge and reconquest, while obscuring the political content of the rebellion and the history that it embodied. Enduring the wrongs done to them with a dignified calm, the suffering women evoked ‘a classical and biblical tradition’, and provided ‘the British with their charged plots of martyrdom [and] heroism’, profitably recycled in the popular imagination throughout the period of formal imperialism, and underscoring the braiding of gender and race in the rhetorical flourishes of empire building. [Jenny Sharpe, Allegories of Empire: Figure of the Woman in the Colonial Text (Minneapolis, 1993), 67, 65–6; Nancy Paxton, ‘Mobilizing Chivalry: Rape in British Indian Novels about the Indian Uprising of 1857’, Victorian Studies, 36 (Fall 1992), 5–30.] from Paxton, 1992: In British colonial discourse about India, the story of English women raped by Indian men ... emerged at a particular crisis point in the British rule of India and performed specific ideological work. This familiar version of the colonial Indian rape narrative became popular only after the Indian Uprising of 1857 when dozens of British and Anglo-Indian novelists began to write and rewrite narratives about the Mutiny which hinged on the rape of English women by Indian men. ... this version of the colonial rape narrative ... naturalized British colonizers' dominance by asserting the lawlessness of Indian men and, at the same time, shored up traditional gender roles by assigning to British women the role of victim, countering British feminist demands for women's greater political and social equality. In short, texts which focus on the rape of English women by Indian men were used to mobilize literary traditions about chivalry in service to the Raj Paxton, however, hints at earlier rapes of Indian women by colonizers: Edmund Burke was the first, indisputably the most eloquent, and, as Sara Suleri reminds us, "certainly the most widely read member of Parliament to debate the question of India" in the last three decades of the eighteenth century, when the foundations for the British Empire in India were laid (26). Burke was also the first British statesman to exploit the rhetorical power of the metaphor of rape to criticize the policies of the East India Company. For example, in "A Letter to a Member of the National Assembly" he declared that 1767 marked the year when: administration discovered, that the East India Company were guardians to a very handsome and rich lady in Hindostan. Accordingly, they set parliament in motion: and parliament ... directly became a suitor, and took the lady into its tender, fond, grasping arms, pretending all the while that it meant nothing but what was fair and honourable; that no rape or violence was intended; that its sole aim was to rescue her and her fortune out of the pilfering hands of a set of rapacious stewards, who had let her estate run to waste, and had committed various depradations. By 1787, Burke had succeeded in convincing his colleagues in the Commons to initiate proceedings to remove Warren Hastings, ex-Governor-General of India, from the seat he then occupied in the House of Lords. In his opening statements at Hastings's trial, Burke insisted that rape was more than a metaphor, that it literally characterized the sexual violence that Hastings countenanced and personally practiced during his rise and rule as Governor-General (1774-85). Burke charged that Hastings not only designed policies that destroyed "the honour of the whole female race" of India, but that he had personally "undone women of the first rank," noting especially his humiliation of the Princesses of Oude in 1772-73. Burke vividly catalogued Hastings's barbaric treatment of Indian women: "Virgins . .. publicly were violated by the lowest and wickedest of the human race" and "wives were torn from the arms of their husbands, and suffered the same flagitious wrongs... "
There was also an alignment with the Muslim invaders. As John William Kaye, later the author of a history of the rebellion, remarked in his Administration of the East India Company, ‘The rulers whom we supplanted were, like ourselves, aliens and usurpers.’ opens with a detailed discussion (p.1-32) of Robert Montgomery Martin's The Indian Empire with a Full Account of the Mutiny (?1859), which opens with a long discursion on India's past: The cavalcade of invasions, Macedonian, Islamic west and central Asian, and finally Christian–European, establishes the vulnerability of the land, its habitual prostration, and provides historical precedents obliquely justifying the foundation and guaranteeing the future of the ‘Anglo-Indian Empire’. ... [in contemporary opinion] Dalhousie's annexation of several Indian states, especially Awadh (in February 1856), and the generally liberal-interventionist bias of his administration, were among the most likely causes of the rebellion. While this explanation stems from a complex of political ideas that will be examined in the following chapter, the final eight years preceding 1857 are the crucial springboard in Martin's narrative, for the events of those years nearly led to the undoing of an empire whose possibility, reality and indeed moral viability, given Indian readiness to be conquered and colonised, is authorised by a long arc of two thousand years. Having dismissed elements of Hindu mythology and customary practices as indices of an inferior culture, Martin turns to praise the Hindu past when he compares it with India under Muslim rule, claiming that an extensive study of Indian records leads to the conclusion that the decay of Hindoostan dates from the period of Muhammedan incursion and conquest ... [Muslim] tyranny and sensuality pauperised and demoralised all whom they subjected to their sway. and under Muslim rule the condition of the Hindus and of India was ‘not dissimilar to the destruction and demoralisation of the Greeks, and the desolation of the fair region of Asia Minor by the Turks’.
The literary yield of the rebellion surpasses in volume the literary representation of the other conflicts during the long 19th c. of expansion. ... 70-odd novels appeared, starting from 1857 itself, and continuing into the modern era. Definitely one of the more important texts of postcolonial historiography. The main point is to highlight how the fiction appearing as novels and magazine stories, and participated in equally by men and women and particularly children - of all political hues - led to a vast literature that portrayed the nobility (and necessity) of British expansionism in the 19th c. Despite the occasional intrusion of the occasional leftist remark (e.g. a dig at american mall-imperialism p. 2), the book vigorously underscores the subtext of these fictional narratives and shows how they justified the causes of military conflict deployed to protect monopolistic commercial interests across far-flung regions of the globe in the 19th c. Though there were voices of dissent (e.g. John Hobson's Psychology of Jingoism, 1902), the flood of pro-colonial literature easily drowned them out. What is interesting for me as an Indian is how colonial stories such as the Moonstone, some of the Biggles tales set in India, or Tintin's adventures in the Cigars of the Phraraoh or the Blue Lotus or Sherlock Holmes' Hound of Baskervilles and the Valley of fear or Father Brown's Oracle of the dog - not to mention history "textbooks" such as the "March of time" - reflects the feeling of the British "civilizing mission"... These stories and their underlying mythology is that of the european Enlightenment period, which viewed the orient as a synonym for decadence, and as in James Mill's History of British India, the bible for colonial officers - negated any advances attributed to these civilizations, and attacked those such as Wilson Jones who were arguing for the contributions of these civilizations. Unsurprisingly, many of us "educated" Indians grew up with our thinking coloured by the subtexts of such narratives - without being aware of it. Perhaps a majority of us Indians largely agree that Indians were in darkness until we were educated by the British, and that Indians have contributed little to world history. Despite some incursions into Said's Orientalism and more relevantly, his Culture and Imperialism, for me, such home truths drive in more easily from this spread of the vulgar literature, rather than from reading a Forster (see Nicholas Dirks' in the Post-Colonial Studies reader) or a Joseph Conrad (see this searing article by Achebe) or even in modern times, the "postimperial" Paul Scott.
Militarily, the nineteenth century was perhaps the busiest period in British history, laying the basic groundwork for the geo-political configurations which some have called the ‘world-system’, and for the legal and constitutional bases of sovereignty and intervention. The need to open markets, protect commercial interests, enforce tariffs, contain European and coerce extra-European powers continuously provided reasons for armed conflict. These recurring motives make it possible to reduce the many military engagements of nineteenth-century Britain into one Long War; [the next Long War – from the Berlin Conference of 1884 to the end of the Cold War]... But it would be impossible for a nation to engage in warfare for a century without a public culture that sanctioned war as the legitimate arm of state and commercial policy, and that viewed expansion as the expression of an inevitable national and racial urge with very real material dividends.... exponents ranged from liberals, conservatives, imperial federationists, free traders, evangelicals, the gentlemanly muscular Christians of Rugby– Oxford, the National Volunteer League, social Darwinists, Victorian race theorists, the Society for Propagation of Christian Knowledge, and even popular periodicals like the Boys’ Own Paper.
* Charles Dickens and Willie Collins : short novel appeared in _Household Words_, xmas 1857 - allegory of the rebellion, set in C. America * Edward Money 1859: The Wife and the Ward: or, a Life's Error : confined to Anglo-Indian life * H.P. Malet: Lost Links in the Indian Mutiny (1867) * James Grant: First Love and Last Love (1868): Mughal Delhi, rebel world as well
Phillip Meadows Taylor : Seeta (1872) : love and marriage between brit civil servant and the brahmin widow, Seeta George Chesney : The Dilemma (1876) - based on siege of Lucknow Residency Robert A. Sterndale: The Afghan Knife (1879)- presents Islamic dissatisfaction (in late 19th c Syed Ahmad Khan etc) as the prime mover of the rebellion, and suggests an involvement of Czarist Russia (part of great game)
Katherine C. M. Phipps: Douglas Achdale (1885): siege of Lucknow D.M. Thomas: The touchstone of Peril (1887) : fictional town of Hajipur: rebels red by dispossesed Muslim gentry siege a party of Europeans 1890s: [19] - many aimed at juvenile readership, character-building, military exploits, espionage etc. G. A. Henty: Rujjuh the Juggler (1893) Flora Annie Steel : On the face of the waters (1896) H.C. Irwin : A man of honour (1896) A.F.P. Harcourt : Jenetha's venture (1899)
juvenile fiction: FS Brereton: A hero of Lucknow 1905 Frederick P. Gibson: Disputed VC (1909) Louis Tracy: The Red Year 1907 [Tracy had started the tabloid Sun in 1894]
C. E. Pearce: Red revenge (c. 1911) Patricia Wentworth: The Devil's Wind (1912) Talbott Mundy (Sylvia Anne Matheson): Rung Ho! A novel of India (1914)
J.C. Wood: When Nicholson kept the border (1922) C.L. Reid : Masque of the Mutiny Gandhi-like "Mahatma" is chief ideologue of rebellion.
John Masters: The nightrunners of Bengal (1955) J. G. Farrell : The Siege of Krishnapur 1973 [booker prize] Norman Pattington : And red flows the ganges 1972 George Macdonald Fraser : Flashman in the great game (1975) Andrew Ward : Blood-Seed (1985) [Ward has also written "Our bones are scattered", a history of the mutiny at kanpur] [Among the books not mentioned, 1. Thomas Prichard: "The Mutinies in Rajpootana: Being a Personal Narrative of the Mutiny at Nusseerabad" (before 1923). 2. H. T. Tucker, 1857: A glance at the past and the future in connection with the Indian revolt gbook Lt-Col. Henry Tod Tucker served as Adjutant-General to the East India Army c. 1854. Excerpts: At a time when the eyes of all men are open to the glaring errrors and imperfections in our Indian system of government which has resulted in such a revolt and mutiny as cannot be paralleled in history [...] I feel impelled [...] to reproduce a few extracts from the cautions and warnings which, in 1852, when all was peaceful and queit, I ventured, at the cost of grave imputations of being an alarmist, to publish in an address to the proprietors of East India stock. [ch. 1 opening lines] [from the speech by Tucker] We have been so successful that there is danger of our becoming too secure... the tens of thousands which compose our armie in the East, are simple mercenaries, opposed to us as much in faith, nation, and feeling, as in colour. We should be sedulously careful therefore, to maintain a just equipose, for our real strength does not consist in overwhelming bodies of mercenaries - but in the numbers, the valour, and the discipline of our fellow-countrymen. p.5 [in the address, he goes on to a) critique the Indian Civil Service of having "become too exclusive... it is almost impossible for the sentiments and opinions of an outsider to penetrate within the structure of its clique-like reserve." (p. 7) b) decry the needs for greater native education since "education generally diffused will necessarily produce new desires and suggest new objects of ambition... the apparent apathy of the Hindu will give place by degrees to feelings of patriotism" (p.8) also rails against salary increases to the sepoys, and promotions based on assessment of "good conduct" (p.10-12).] ]
Margaret Frances Wheeler (who appears as Ulrica Wheeler in some accounts), the daughter of General Wheeler and his Eurasian wife, was either abducted or rescued by a sawar from the Satichaura Ghat. She married the man and lived in Kanpur under a different name until her death in 1907, even as her disappearance fuelled the circulation of another legend of honour and martyrdom. Amelia Bennett was other woman who survived the Satichaura Ghat The daughter of a Kanpur clerk, Bennett was abducted during the massacre when she was eighteen and her account appeared under the title, ‘Ten Months Captivity after the Massacre at Cawnpore’ in the magazine Nineteenth Century (June + July 1913). On the other hand, memoirs written some time after the rebellion often expect corroboration or seek more information from historiography, as with Amelia Bennett who, writing in 1913 of her experience at Kanpur in May 1857, pauses to observe of the Nana Sahib: ‘what a record of sensuality, ferocity, cunning, treachery, and inhumanity did his subsequent acts unfold, as handed down to us by history’. p.127
[I excerpt some of the less common terms or usage] baboo/babu: a Hindu gentleman; but a disparaging Anglo-Indian term for English-educated Indians, especially Bengali clerks banjara: a nomadic tribe of artisans, peddlers and performers bahadur: lit., brave bhang: a variety of cannabis bibi: Persian-Urdu term for lady; but Anglo-Indian argot for the Indian wife or mistress of a British male in India Camdeo or, Kamadeva: the god of love in Hindu mythology Company Bahadur: popular Indian name for the East India Company Delhi Ridge: a wooded spur north of the city wall; the British were camped on the Ridge during the siege of Delhi diwani: here, the post of minister, or steward; but also, council chamber and reception hall; also, the collected works of a poet durbar: the royal or imperial court Futtehghur: the British spelling for Fatehgarh gosain: a Hindu mendicant order; also a Brahmin sub-caste griffin: the Anglo-Indian argot for a newly arrived British subaltern in India haveli: an Indian-style house, usually single-storeyed with rooms arranged around a central courtyard Hindostanis/Hindustanis: the people of Hindustan, including Hindus and Muslims jehad/jihad: the religious duty to defend and proselytise Islam Jahanpanah: lit., ‘shelter of the world’: a honorific for the Mughal Emperor khansaman: lit., the keeper of stores: chief steward or butler khidmatgar: a waiter; male domestic servant under the khansaman (q.v.) khufia: of or pertaining to secret or criminal intelligence; an intelligence agent or police informer mujahid: an Islamic religious warrior munshi: a clerk or administrative officer nabob: the Anglo-Indian argot for an East India Company clerk, official or private trader who had made a fortune in India nawab: the pl. of Naib or deputy; the title of provincial governors in the late Mughal administration, though under British rule it came sometimes to mean independent rulers newab wazir/nawab wazir: the governor and minister of finance, or principal minister peshwa/peishwa: the chief minister of the Maratha kingdom; later the ruler of an independent Maratha state. pindari: the roving bands of plunderers in central and western India in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The pindaris were unemployed soldiers and mercenaries hired by Indian states against each other. Resident: the British agent stationed in an Indian court, and the instrument of ‘indirect rule’ sadar adalat: the chief civil court of a province or presidency sarai: inn sawar/sowar: a cavalryman sharif: pl. of ashraf or the Mughal service class; the culture of this class swadeshi: lit., produced in one's own country; a nationalist agitation that began in 1905, calling for the boycott of British imports to India subah: a province; political or administrative subdivision of the Mughal empire subedar: sergeant major, or the senior most Indian officer in the army; also the governor of a subah in the Mughal administration talukdar: a superior zamindar with proprietary rights in land who collected rent on behalf of the government from other landlords; after the rebellion, the talukdars of Awadh were given proprietary rights over the land whose rent they had earlier collected wahabi: a follower of Abu Wahab, the eighteenth-century Arab reformer zenana: the women's quarter in a Muslim household the imagination that seized on the rebellion of 1857–9 was the vulgate of late-nineteenth century British expansionism. [vulgate: Rendered common; vulgarized; as in the trasnslated Bible, (or parts)] the articulation of the historical with the fictional plot yields a series of redactions of the former. 134 [redaction (OED): the working or drafting of source material into a distinct, esp. written, form.] With Sword and Pen [H.C. Irwin, 1904] relies on and closely follows Edwards's Personal Adventures. But the experience of flight, fear and humiliation undergoes a secondary revision so that the novel retains the topoi while draining their distinctive experiential character. 135 [topos (OED): A traditional motif or theme (in a literary composition); a rhetorical commonplace, a literary convention or formula. ] --- blurb ... shows how narratives of the rebellion were inflected by the concerns of colonial policy and by the demands of imperial self-image. He goes on to discuss the wider context of British involvement in India from 1765 to the 1940s, and engages with constitutional debates, administrative measures and the early nineteenth-century Anglo-Indian novel.
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