Bellos, Alex; Andy Riley (ill);
Alex's adventures in numberland (Alternate title: Here's Looking at Euclid)
Bloomsbury Publishing, 2010, 448 pages
ISBN 0747597162, 9780747597162
topics: | math | cognitive | arithmetic
Many fascinating aspects of how humans deal with arithhmetic. Alex Bellos was the Guardian correspondent in Brazil for many years, and it shows up in the narratives about Brazil in this fascinating math book! (He also has a book on the Brazilian fascination for soccer) Has much to say about the Indian contributions to mathematics. Here is a figure on the evolution of the numerals across the world: Evolution of modern numerals (p.122)
Also has a whole section on Tirthaji Maharaj, the Shankaracharya of Puri who practised mathematics in his spare time, and wrote a bestselling work on Vedic Mathematics, except that the "mathematics" here was entirely his own, and there was nothing "vedic" about it. In 1958, he visited the US and impressed his mathematical interlocutors during a visit to Caltech. In 1958, when he was 82 years old, Tirthaji visited the United States, which caused much controversy back home because Hindu spiritual leaders are forbidden from travelling abroad, and it was the first time that a Shankaracharya had ever left India. His trip provoked great curiosity in the US. The West Coast would later become a focus for flower power, gurus and meditation, but back then no one had seen anyone like him. When Tirthaji arrived in California the Los Angeles Times called him ‘one of the most important – and least-known – personages in the world’. Tirthaji had a full schedule of talks and TV appearances. Though he spoke mostly about world peace, he devoted one lecture entirely to Vedic Mathematics. The venue was the California Institute of Technology... p.128 Bellos goes to Puri (well after Tirthaji has passed away) and meets interlocutors whose faith in Vedic Science far exceeds the evidence. Nonetheless, he remains impressed with Vedic Mathematics: Vedic Mathematics stands up to scrutiny, even though the sutras are mostly so vague as to be meaningless and to accept the story of their origin in the Vedas requires the suspension of disbelief. He goes on to give an explanation of the interesting urdhva-tiryaka rule for multiplying two multi-digit numbers in your head. Such algorithmic thinking has long been a part of the Indian mathematical tradition, but sadly, the sUtras of Tirthaji were inventions by an undoubtedly competent mathematician, possibly Tirthaji himself, and posed into cryptic Sanskrit verse. I think Bellos is impressed because he finds these ideas new, as I was when I first encountered agreeing that the sUtras are "vedic".
The well-known astrophysicist Jayant Narlikar has written about Tirthaji in his work on science, The Scientific Edge (2003): K.S. Shukla, a renowned scholar of ancient Indian mathematics... recalled meeting Swamiji [Tirthaji], showing him an authorized edition of Atharva Veda and pointing out that the sixteen sutras were not in any of its appendices (parishiShTas). Swamiji is said to have replied that they occurred in his parishiShTa and in no other! In short, Swamiji claimed the sutras to be Vedic on his own authority and no other. p.27 [incident narrated by SG Dani of TIFR] --- Thus there is nothing "vedic" about the rules, except that they were couched in terse sanskrit aphorisms similar to those used in the era of the oral textual tradition. Unfortunately these kind of hoaxes only make it harder for one to establish the legitimate claims of Indian mathematical work. What surprises me is why a very learned religious man, and one who was clearly an idealist in his youth - he went to jail supporting a muslim cause - would do such a thing. But anyhow - onto excerptise...
The amazonian tribe, Munduruku, use only five words for numbers from 1 to 5. The words from one to four - one pUg two xep xep three ebapug four ebadipdip have the same number of syllables as the count. The word for five, pUg pogbi, means "a handful" and seems imprecise. ---Bellos, p.15: Still, I thought it odd that numbers larger than five did not crop up at all in Amazonian daily life. I asked Pica (the linguist working with them) how an Indian would say ‘six fish’. For example, just say that he or she was preparing a meal for six people and he wanted to make sure everyone had a fish each. ‘It is impossible,’ he said. ‘The sentence "I want fish for six people" does not exist.’ What if you asked a Munduruku who had six children: ‘How many kids do you have?’ Pica gave the same response: ‘He will say "I don’t know". It is impossible to express.’ However, added Pica, the issue was a cultural one. It was not the case that the Munduruku counted his first child, his second, his third, his fourth, his fifth and then scratched his head because he could go no further. For the Munduruku, the whole idea of counting children was ludicrous. The whole idea, in fact, of counting anything was ludicrous. experiment: shown a circle with a varying number of dots in it, participants have to tell where they belong on a line between a circle with one dot, and another with ten. numbers as perceived by Munduruku are not equally spaced - five onwards, they appear much higher than four etc. This is similar to children in kindergarten, who tend to overestimate numbers in the tens. Logarithmic view of numbers - larger numbers get compressed. [Robert Siegler and Julie Booth at CMU 2004]: kindergarten pupils (with an average age of 5.8 years), first-graders (6.9) and second-graders (7.8). The kindergarten pupil, with no formal maths education, maps out numbers logarithmically. By the first year at school, when the pupils are being introduced to number words and symbols, the curve is straightening. And by the second year at school, the numbers are at last evenly laid out along the line. (see another number experiment below)
Animals that count and add - e.g. Clever Hans the horse The lesson of Clever Hans was that when teaching animals to count, supreme care must be taken to eliminate involuntary human prompting. For the maths education of Ai, a chimpanzee brought to Japan from West Africa in the late 1970s, the chances of human cues were eliminated because she learned using a touch-screen computer. Ai is now 31 and lives at the Primate Research Institute in Inuyama, a small tourist town in central Japan. Her forehead is high and balding, the hair on her chin is white and she has the dark sunken eyes of ape middle age. She is known there as a ‘student’, never a ‘research subject’. Every day Ai attends classes where she is given tasks. She turns up at 9 a.m. on the dot after spending the night outdoors with a group of other chimps on a giant tree-like construction of wood, metal and rope. On the day I saw her she sat with her head close to a computer, tapping sequences of digits on the screen when they appeared. When she completed a task correctly an 8mm cube of apple whizzed down a tube to her right. Ai caught it in her hand and scoffed it instantly. Her mindless gaze, the nonchalant tapping of a flashing, beeping computer and the mundanity of continual reward reminded me of an old lady doing the slots. When Ai was a child she became a great ape in both senses of the word by becoming the first non-human to count with Arabic numerals. (These are the symbols 1, 2, 3 and so on, that are used in almost all countries except, ironically, in parts of the Arab world.) In order for her to do this satisfactorily, Tetsuro Matsuzawa, director of the Primate Research Institute, needed to teach her the two elements that comprise human understanding of number: quantity and order.
Numbers express an amount, and they also express a position. These two concepts are linked, but different. For example, in ‘five carrots’ five is the quantity of carrots, or the cardinality. When I count from 1 to 20 I am using the convenient feature that numbers can be ordered in succession. I am not referring to 20 objects, just reciting a sequence, or the number ordinality. We slip effortlessly between these two. To chimpanzees, however, the interconnection is not obvious at all. Matsuzawa first taught Ai that one red pencil refers to the symbol ‘1’ and two red pencils to ‘2’. After 1 and 2, she learned 3 and then all the other digits up to 9. When shown, say, the number 5 she could tap a square with five objects, and when shown a square with five objects she could tap the digit 5. Her education was reward-driven: whenever she got a computer task correct, a tube by the computer dispensd a piece of food. Once Ai had mastered the cardinality of the digits from 1 to 9, Matsuzawa introduced tasks to teach her how they were ordered. His tests flashed digits up on the screen and Ai had to tap them in ascending order. If the screen showed 4 and 2, she had to touch 2 and then 4 to win her cube of apple. She grasped this pretty quickly. Ai's competence in both the cardinality and ordinality tasks meant that Matsuzawa could reasonably say that his student had learned to count. The achievement made her a national hero in Japan and a global icon for her species. Matsuzawa then introduced the concept of zero. Ai picked up the cardinality of the symbol 0 easily. Whenever a square appeared on the screen with nothing in it, she would tap the digit. Then Matsuzawa wanted to see if she was able to infer an understanding of the ordinality of zero. Ai was shown a random sequence of screens with two digits, just like when she was learning the ordinality of 1 to 9, although now sometimes one of the digits was a 0. Where did she think zero's place was in the ordering of numbers? In the first session Ai placed 0 between 6 and 7. Matsuzawa calculated this by averaging out which numbers she thought 0 came after and which numbers she thought it came before. In subsequent sessions Ai's positioning of 0 went under 6, then under 5, 4 and after a few hundred trials 0 was down to around 1. She remained confused, however, if 0 was more or less than 1. Even though Ai had learned to manipulate numbers perfectly well, she lacked the depth of human numerical understanding. A habit she did learn, however, was showmanship. She is now a total pro, tending to perform better at her computer tasks in front of visitors, especially camera crews.
At the University of Ulm, in Germany, academics put some Saharan desert ants at the end of a tunnel and sent them down it foragng for food. Once they reached the food, however, some of the ants had the bottom of their legs clipped off and other ants were given stilts made from pig bristles. (Apparently this is not as cruel as it sounds, since the legs of desert ants are routinely frazzled off in the Saharan sun.) The ants with shorter legs undershot the journey home, while the ones with longer legs overshot it, suggesting that instead of using their eyes, the ants judged distance with an internal pedometer.
Chimpanzees may have limits to their mathematical proficiency, yet, while studying this, Matsuzawa discovered that they have other cognitive abilities that are vastly superior to ours. In 2000 Ai gave birth to a son, Ayumu. On the day I visited the Primate Research Institute, Ayumu was in class right next to his mum. He is smaller, with pinker skin on his face and hands and blacker hair. Ayumu was sitting in front of his own computer, tapping away at the screen when numbers flashed up and avidly scoffing the apple cubes when he won them. He is a self-confident lad, living up to his privileged status as son and heir of the dominant female in the group. Ayumu was never taught how to use the touch-screen displays, although as a baby he would sit by his mother as she attended class every day. One day Matsuzawa opened the classroom door only halfway, just enough for Ayumu to come in but too narrow for Ai to join him. Ayumu went straight up to the computer monitor. The staff watched him eagerly to see what he had learned. He pressed the screen to start, and the digits 1 and 2 appeared. This was a simple ordering task. Ayumu clicked on 2. Wrong. He kept on pressing 2. Wrong again. Then he tried to press 1 and 2 at the same time. Wrong. Eventually he got it right: he pressed 1, then 2 and an apple cube shot down into his palm. Before long, Ayumu was better at all the computer tasks than his mum.
A couple of years ago Matsuzawa introduced a new type of number task. On pressing the start button, the numbers 1 to 5 were displayed in a random pattern on the screen. After 0.65 seconds the numbers turned into small white squares. The task was to tap the white squares in the correct order, remembering which square had been which number. Ayumu completed this task correctly about 80 percent of the time, which was about the same amount as a sample group of Japanese children. Matsuzawa then reduced the time that the numbers were visible, to 0.43 seconds, and while Ayumu barely noticed the difference, the children's performances dropped significantly, to a success rate of about 60 percent. When Matsuzawa reduced the time that the numbers were visible again – to only 0.21 seconds, Ayumu was still registering 80 percent, but the kids dropped to 40. See this video to convince yourself that you simply cannot do what this chimp is doing!! in many ways, the human brain is deficient to animal brains: --- This experiment revealed that Ayumu had an extraordinary photographic memory, as do the other chimps in Inuyama, although none is as good as he is. Matsuzawa has increased the number of digits in further experiments and now Ayumu can remember the positioning of eight digits made visible for only 0.21 seconds. Matsuzawa reduced the time interval and Ayumu can now remember the positioning of five digits visible for only 0.09 seconds – which is barely enough time for a human to register the numbers, let alone remember them. read more about chimps - and how they can learn language (and also about Ayumu) in this excerptise of Sue Savage-Rumbaugh's Apes, Language, and the Human Mind (1998).
In 1992, Karen Wynn, at the University of Arizona, sat a five-month-old baby in front of a small stage, with the Sesame Street puppets Elmo and Ernie. Elmo was placed on the stage. The screen came down. Then another Elmo was placed behind the screen. The screen was taken away. Sometimes two Elmos were revealed, sometimes an Elmo and an Ernie together and sometimes only one Elmo or only one Ernie. The babies stared for longer when just one puppet was revealed, rather than when two of the wrong puppets were revealed. In other words, the arithmetical impossibility of 1 + 1 = 1 was much more disturbing than the metamorphosis of Elmos into Ernies. Babies’ knowledge of mathematical laws seems much more deeply rooted than their knowledge of physical ones.
Stanislas Dehaene and Pierre Pica devised experiments for the Munduruku in the Amazon, one of which was very simple: he wanted to know just what they understood by their number words. Back in the rainforest Pica assembled a group of volunteers and showed them varying numbers of dots on a screen, asking them to say aloud the number of dots they saw. The Munduruku numbers are: one pUg two xep xep three ebapug four ebadipdip five pUg pogbi When there was one dot on the screen, the Munduruku said pg. When there were two, the said xep xep. But beyond two they were not precise. When three dots showed up, ebapug was said only about 80 percent of the time. The reaction to four dots was ebadipdip in only 70 percent of cases. When shown five dots, pg pogbi was the answer managed only 28 percent of the time, with ebadipdip being given instead in 15 percent of answers. In other words, for three and above the Munduruku's number words were really just estimates. They were ounting ‘one’, ‘two’, ‘threeish’, ‘fourish’ ‘fiveish’. Pica started to wonder whether pUg pogbi, which literally means ‘handful’, even really qualified as a number. Maybe they could not count up to five, but only to fourish? Pica also noticed an interesting linguistic feature of their number words. He pointed out to me that from one to four, the number of syllables of each word is equal to the number itself. This observation really excited him. ‘It is as if the syllables are an aural way of counting,’ Pica also tested the Munduruku's abilities to estimate large numbers. In one test, illustrated overleaf, the subjects were shown a computer animation of two sets of several dots falling into a can. They were then asked to say if these two sets added together in the can – no longer visible for comparison – amounted to more than a third set of dots that then appeared on the screen. This tested whether they could calculate additions in an approximate way. They could, performing just as well as a group of French adults given the same task.